Deprecated (16384): The ArrayAccess methods will be removed in 4.0.0.Use getParam(), getData() and getQuery() instead. - /home/brlfuser/public_html/src/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line: 73
 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php. [CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311]
Code Context


        trigger_error($message, E_USER_DEPRECATED);

    }
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 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php.'
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deprecationWarning - CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311
Cake\Http\ServerRequest::offsetGet() - CORE/src/Http/ServerRequest.php, line 2421
App\Controller\ArtileDetailController::printArticle() - APP/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line 73
Cake\Controller\Controller::invokeAction() - CORE/src/Controller/Controller.php, line 610
Cake\Http\ActionDispatcher::_invoke() - CORE/src/Http/ActionDispatcher.php, line 120
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Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
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Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Error\Middleware\ErrorHandlerMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Error/Middleware/ErrorHandlerMiddleware.php, line 96
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Http\Runner::run() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 51
Cake\Http\Server::run() - CORE/src/Http/Server.php, line 98

Deprecated (16384): The ArrayAccess methods will be removed in 4.0.0.Use getParam(), getData() and getQuery() instead. - /home/brlfuser/public_html/src/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line: 74
 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php. [CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311]
Code Context


        trigger_error($message, E_USER_DEPRECATED);

    }
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 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php.'
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deprecationWarning - CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311
Cake\Http\ServerRequest::offsetGet() - CORE/src/Http/ServerRequest.php, line 2421
App\Controller\ArtileDetailController::printArticle() - APP/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line 74
Cake\Controller\Controller::invokeAction() - CORE/src/Controller/Controller.php, line 610
Cake\Http\ActionDispatcher::_invoke() - CORE/src/Http/ActionDispatcher.php, line 120
Cake\Http\ActionDispatcher::dispatch() - CORE/src/Http/ActionDispatcher.php, line 94
Cake\Http\BaseApplication::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/BaseApplication.php, line 235
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Routing\Middleware\RoutingMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Routing/Middleware/RoutingMiddleware.php, line 162
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Routing\Middleware\AssetMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Routing/Middleware/AssetMiddleware.php, line 88
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Error\Middleware\ErrorHandlerMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Error/Middleware/ErrorHandlerMiddleware.php, line 96
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Http\Runner::run() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 51
Cake\Http\Server::run() - CORE/src/Http/Server.php, line 98

Warning (512): Unable to emit headers. Headers sent in file=/home/brlfuser/public_html/vendor/cakephp/cakephp/src/Error/Debugger.php line=853 [CORE/src/Http/ResponseEmitter.php, line 48]
Code Context
            if (Configure::read('debug')) {

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    <link rel="canonical" href="https://im4change.in/<pre class="cake-error"><a href="javascript:void(0);" onclick="document.getElementById('cakeErr67f10012c9b59-trace').style.display = (document.getElementById('cakeErr67f10012c9b59-trace').style.display == 'none' ? '' : 'none');"><b>Notice</b> (8)</a>: Undefined variable: urlPrefix [<b>APP/Template/Layout/printlayout.ctp</b>, line <b>8</b>]<div id="cakeErr67f10012c9b59-trace" class="cake-stack-trace" style="display: none;"><a href="javascript:void(0);" onclick="document.getElementById('cakeErr67f10012c9b59-code').style.display = (document.getElementById('cakeErr67f10012c9b59-code').style.display == 'none' ? '' : 'none')">Code</a> <a href="javascript:void(0);" onclick="document.getElementById('cakeErr67f10012c9b59-context').style.display = (document.getElementById('cakeErr67f10012c9b59-context').style.display == 'none' ? '' : 'none')">Context</a><pre id="cakeErr67f10012c9b59-code" class="cake-code-dump" style="display: none;"><code><span style="color: #000000"><span style="color: #0000BB"></span><span style="color: #007700">&lt;</span><span style="color: #0000BB">head</span><span style="color: #007700">&gt;
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-The Hindu&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Amendments to the Prevention of Corruption Act aim to limit overzealousness of enforcement agencies, but they raise important concerns too&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
It is unfortunate that India has not been able to shed the image of a highly corrupt nation even after seven decades of Independence. The average Indian believes that he cannot get even the basic services to which he is entitled under the law without greasing the palms of one or more officials at the ground level. In the recent past, things have undoubtedly changed for the better &amp;mdash; even if only marginally &amp;mdash; when people try to obtain a passport, a driving licence, or a birth/death certificate. This is thanks to digitisation and the sensible pruning of prescribed procedures. The Centre and a few States deserve praise for taking some initiatives to reduce corruption. But this is small comfort. A lot more needs to be done before we can relax the fight against corruption among public servants.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;Significant changes&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
It is against this backdrop that Parliament has passed the Prevention of Corruption (Amendment) Bill. At least one of the amendments, which mandates prior government approval of the Central or State government to initiate investigation into corruption charges, is bound to evoke negative reactions from large sections of the public.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Protection to government servants from arbitrary and unilateral action by anti-corruption agencies without prior permission from the government was earlier available only to the higher echelons, from the rank of Joint Secretary and above, before the Supreme Court struck down the so-called &amp;lsquo;Single Directive&amp;rsquo;. The latest tweak extends this protection to all public servants.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
This is welcome but ambitious. The new directive that requires prior approval at the preliminary inquiry stage as well as before the registration of a regular case carries many imponderables, especially the risks involved in delegating authority to order commencement of investigations under the Act.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Details of the expanded new procedure are not yet known. The Central Vigilance Commissioner may have to step in with some practical guidelines. The exercise involved here is enormous, given the size of India&amp;rsquo;s bureaucracy and the entrenched sophistication of dishonest practices. If the sanctioning authority is itself dishonest, can you expect an objective application of mind?&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
We cannot fault anti-corruption agencies if they believe that this change in procedure would embolden dishonest government personnel. But this is debatable. Only the speed and honesty of administrative ministries while acting on requests for permission from the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), in particular, for initiating action against an erring official would give us an idea of the practical difficulties involved.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Another major change is the deletion of the whole of clause (d) of sub-section (1) of Section 13, which defines &amp;lsquo;criminal misconduct&amp;rsquo; as the acquisition of a &amp;lsquo;valuable thing&amp;rsquo; or &amp;lsquo;pecuniary advantage&amp;rsquo; in a dishonest manner. The deleted clause was the sole effective weapon against a misbehaving senior official. This deletion (without substituting it with any other clause) is disappointing because corruption in high places is sophisticated and takes place in a highly clandestine manner.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
A few experts believe that there is also a certain dilution of the definition of &amp;lsquo;known sources of income&amp;rsquo; through the incorporation of the statement that this would include income received from any &amp;lsquo;lawful source&amp;rsquo;, an expression that has been left undefined. This is critical because of the misconception that as long as tax has been paid on income received from an undisclosed and illegitimate source, such income becomes lawful.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
One reasonable apprehension is that where a public servant causes performance of a public duty which is improper and against prescribed rules and procedures, and there is no proof of a transaction of bribery, he will go scot free. What if such improper performance is in lieu of future bribes or post-retirement jobs? There is a misgiving here that the latest amendments to Section 13(1) could be in conflict with the spirit of Article 19 of the United Nations Convention Against Corruption.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/a-balancing-act/article24555727.ece?homepage=true&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;&#039;,
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-The Hindu

Amendments to the Prevention of Corruption Act aim to limit overzealousness of enforcement agencies, but they raise important concerns too

It is unfortunate that India has not been able to shed the image of a highly corrupt nation even after...&#039;,
	&#039;disp&#039; =&gt; &#039;&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;-The Hindu&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Amendments to the Prevention of Corruption Act aim to limit overzealousness of enforcement agencies, but they raise important concerns too&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;It is unfortunate that India has not been able to shed the image of a highly corrupt nation even after seven decades of Independence. The average Indian believes that he cannot get even the basic services to which he is entitled under the law without greasing the palms of one or more officials at the ground level. In the recent past, things have undoubtedly changed for the better &amp;mdash; even if only marginally &amp;mdash; when people try to obtain a passport, a driving licence, or a birth/death certificate. This is thanks to digitisation and the sensible pruning of prescribed procedures. The Centre and a few States deserve praise for taking some initiatives to reduce corruption. But this is small comfort. A lot more needs to be done before we can relax the fight against corruption among public servants.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;Significant changes&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;It is against this backdrop that Parliament has passed the Prevention of Corruption (Amendment) Bill. At least one of the amendments, which mandates prior government approval of the Central or State government to initiate investigation into corruption charges, is bound to evoke negative reactions from large sections of the public.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Protection to government servants from arbitrary and unilateral action by anti-corruption agencies without prior permission from the government was earlier available only to the higher echelons, from the rank of Joint Secretary and above, before the Supreme Court struck down the so-called &amp;lsquo;Single Directive&amp;rsquo;. The latest tweak extends this protection to all public servants.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This is welcome but ambitious. The new directive that requires prior approval at the preliminary inquiry stage as well as before the registration of a regular case carries many imponderables, especially the risks involved in delegating authority to order commencement of investigations under the Act.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Details of the expanded new procedure are not yet known. The Central Vigilance Commissioner may have to step in with some practical guidelines. The exercise involved here is enormous, given the size of India&amp;rsquo;s bureaucracy and the entrenched sophistication of dishonest practices. If the sanctioning authority is itself dishonest, can you expect an objective application of mind?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;We cannot fault anti-corruption agencies if they believe that this change in procedure would embolden dishonest government personnel. But this is debatable. Only the speed and honesty of administrative ministries while acting on requests for permission from the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), in particular, for initiating action against an erring official would give us an idea of the practical difficulties involved.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Another major change is the deletion of the whole of clause (d) of sub-section (1) of Section 13, which defines &amp;lsquo;criminal misconduct&amp;rsquo; as the acquisition of a &amp;lsquo;valuable thing&amp;rsquo; or &amp;lsquo;pecuniary advantage&amp;rsquo; in a dishonest manner. The deleted clause was the sole effective weapon against a misbehaving senior official. 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-The Hindu&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Amendments to the Prevention of Corruption Act aim to limit overzealousness of enforcement agencies, but they raise important concerns too&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
It is unfortunate that India has not been able to shed the image of a highly corrupt nation even after seven decades of Independence. The average Indian believes that he cannot get even the basic services to which he is entitled under the law without greasing the palms of one or more officials at the ground level. In the recent past, things have undoubtedly changed for the better &amp;mdash; even if only marginally &amp;mdash; when people try to obtain a passport, a driving licence, or a birth/death certificate. This is thanks to digitisation and the sensible pruning of prescribed procedures. The Centre and a few States deserve praise for taking some initiatives to reduce corruption. But this is small comfort. A lot more needs to be done before we can relax the fight against corruption among public servants.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;Significant changes&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
It is against this backdrop that Parliament has passed the Prevention of Corruption (Amendment) Bill. At least one of the amendments, which mandates prior government approval of the Central or State government to initiate investigation into corruption charges, is bound to evoke negative reactions from large sections of the public.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Protection to government servants from arbitrary and unilateral action by anti-corruption agencies without prior permission from the government was earlier available only to the higher echelons, from the rank of Joint Secretary and above, before the Supreme Court struck down the so-called &amp;lsquo;Single Directive&amp;rsquo;. The latest tweak extends this protection to all public servants.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
This is welcome but ambitious. The new directive that requires prior approval at the preliminary inquiry stage as well as before the registration of a regular case carries many imponderables, especially the risks involved in delegating authority to order commencement of investigations under the Act.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Details of the expanded new procedure are not yet known. The Central Vigilance Commissioner may have to step in with some practical guidelines. The exercise involved here is enormous, given the size of India&amp;rsquo;s bureaucracy and the entrenched sophistication of dishonest practices. If the sanctioning authority is itself dishonest, can you expect an objective application of mind?&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
We cannot fault anti-corruption agencies if they believe that this change in procedure would embolden dishonest government personnel. But this is debatable. Only the speed and honesty of administrative ministries while acting on requests for permission from the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), in particular, for initiating action against an erring official would give us an idea of the practical difficulties involved.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Another major change is the deletion of the whole of clause (d) of sub-section (1) of Section 13, which defines &amp;lsquo;criminal misconduct&amp;rsquo; as the acquisition of a &amp;lsquo;valuable thing&amp;rsquo; or &amp;lsquo;pecuniary advantage&amp;rsquo; in a dishonest manner. The deleted clause was the sole effective weapon against a misbehaving senior official. This deletion (without substituting it with any other clause) is disappointing because corruption in high places is sophisticated and takes place in a highly clandestine manner.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
A few experts believe that there is also a certain dilution of the definition of &amp;lsquo;known sources of income&amp;rsquo; through the incorporation of the statement that this would include income received from any &amp;lsquo;lawful source&amp;rsquo;, an expression that has been left undefined. This is critical because of the misconception that as long as tax has been paid on income received from an undisclosed and illegitimate source, such income becomes lawful.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
One reasonable apprehension is that where a public servant causes performance of a public duty which is improper and against prescribed rules and procedures, and there is no proof of a transaction of bribery, he will go scot free. What if such improper performance is in lieu of future bribes or post-retirement jobs? There is a misgiving here that the latest amendments to Section 13(1) could be in conflict with the spirit of Article 19 of the United Nations Convention Against Corruption.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/a-balancing-act/article24555727.ece?homepage=true&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;&#039;,
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-The Hindu

Amendments to the Prevention of Corruption Act aim to limit overzealousness of enforcement agencies, but they raise important concerns too

It is unfortunate that India has not been able to shed the image of a highly corrupt nation even after...&#039;
$disp = &#039;&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;-The Hindu&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Amendments to the Prevention of Corruption Act aim to limit overzealousness of enforcement agencies, but they raise important concerns too&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;It is unfortunate that India has not been able to shed the image of a highly corrupt nation even after seven decades of Independence. The average Indian believes that he cannot get even the basic services to which he is entitled under the law without greasing the palms of one or more officials at the ground level. In the recent past, things have undoubtedly changed for the better &amp;mdash; even if only marginally &amp;mdash; when people try to obtain a passport, a driving licence, or a birth/death certificate. This is thanks to digitisation and the sensible pruning of prescribed procedures. The Centre and a few States deserve praise for taking some initiatives to reduce corruption. But this is small comfort. 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Only the speed and honesty of administrative ministries while acting on requests for permission from the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), in particular, for initiating action against an erring official would give us an idea of the practical difficulties involved.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Another major change is the deletion of the whole of clause (d) of sub-section (1) of Section 13, which defines &amp;lsquo;criminal misconduct&amp;rsquo; as the acquisition of a &amp;lsquo;valuable thing&amp;rsquo; or &amp;lsquo;pecuniary advantage&amp;rsquo; in a dishonest manner. The deleted clause was the sole effective weapon against a misbehaving senior official. 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Amendments to the Prevention of Corruption Act aim to limit overzealousness of enforcement agencies, but they raise important concerns too

It is unfortunate that India has not been able to shed the image of a highly corrupt nation even after..."/>
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                <strong>A balancing Act -RK Raghavan</strong></h1>
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                <div align="justify">-The Hindu<br /><em><br />Amendments to the Prevention of Corruption Act aim to limit overzealousness of enforcement agencies, but they raise important concerns too<br /></em><br />It is unfortunate that India has not been able to shed the image of a highly corrupt nation even after seven decades of Independence. The average Indian believes that he cannot get even the basic services to which he is entitled under the law without greasing the palms of one or more officials at the ground level. In the recent past, things have undoubtedly changed for the better &mdash; even if only marginally &mdash; when people try to obtain a passport, a driving licence, or a birth/death certificate. This is thanks to digitisation and the sensible pruning of prescribed procedures. The Centre and a few States deserve praise for taking some initiatives to reduce corruption. But this is small comfort. A lot more needs to be done before we can relax the fight against corruption among public servants.<br /><br /><em>Significant changes<br /></em><br />It is against this backdrop that Parliament has passed the Prevention of Corruption (Amendment) Bill. At least one of the amendments, which mandates prior government approval of the Central or State government to initiate investigation into corruption charges, is bound to evoke negative reactions from large sections of the public.<br /><br />Protection to government servants from arbitrary and unilateral action by anti-corruption agencies without prior permission from the government was earlier available only to the higher echelons, from the rank of Joint Secretary and above, before the Supreme Court struck down the so-called &lsquo;Single Directive&rsquo;. The latest tweak extends this protection to all public servants.<br /><br />This is welcome but ambitious. The new directive that requires prior approval at the preliminary inquiry stage as well as before the registration of a regular case carries many imponderables, especially the risks involved in delegating authority to order commencement of investigations under the Act.<br /><br />Details of the expanded new procedure are not yet known. The Central Vigilance Commissioner may have to step in with some practical guidelines. The exercise involved here is enormous, given the size of India&rsquo;s bureaucracy and the entrenched sophistication of dishonest practices. If the sanctioning authority is itself dishonest, can you expect an objective application of mind?<br /><br />We cannot fault anti-corruption agencies if they believe that this change in procedure would embolden dishonest government personnel. But this is debatable. Only the speed and honesty of administrative ministries while acting on requests for permission from the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), in particular, for initiating action against an erring official would give us an idea of the practical difficulties involved.<br /><br />Another major change is the deletion of the whole of clause (d) of sub-section (1) of Section 13, which defines &lsquo;criminal misconduct&rsquo; as the acquisition of a &lsquo;valuable thing&rsquo; or &lsquo;pecuniary advantage&rsquo; in a dishonest manner. The deleted clause was the sole effective weapon against a misbehaving senior official. This deletion (without substituting it with any other clause) is disappointing because corruption in high places is sophisticated and takes place in a highly clandestine manner.<br /><br />A few experts believe that there is also a certain dilution of the definition of &lsquo;known sources of income&rsquo; through the incorporation of the statement that this would include income received from any &lsquo;lawful source&rsquo;, an expression that has been left undefined. This is critical because of the misconception that as long as tax has been paid on income received from an undisclosed and illegitimate source, such income becomes lawful.<br /><br />One reasonable apprehension is that where a public servant causes performance of a public duty which is improper and against prescribed rules and procedures, and there is no proof of a transaction of bribery, he will go scot free. What if such improper performance is in lieu of future bribes or post-retirement jobs? There is a misgiving here that the latest amendments to Section 13(1) could be in conflict with the spirit of Article 19 of the United Nations Convention Against Corruption.<br /><br />Please <a href="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/a-balancing-act/article24555727.ece?homepage=true" title="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/a-balancing-act/article24555727.ece?homepage=true">click here</a> to read more. <br /></div>               </font>
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-The Hindu&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Amendments to the Prevention of Corruption Act aim to limit overzealousness of enforcement agencies, but they raise important concerns too&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
It is unfortunate that India has not been able to shed the image of a highly corrupt nation even after seven decades of Independence. The average Indian believes that he cannot get even the basic services to which he is entitled under the law without greasing the palms of one or more officials at the ground level. In the recent past, things have undoubtedly changed for the better &amp;mdash; even if only marginally &amp;mdash; when people try to obtain a passport, a driving licence, or a birth/death certificate. This is thanks to digitisation and the sensible pruning of prescribed procedures. The Centre and a few States deserve praise for taking some initiatives to reduce corruption. But this is small comfort. A lot more needs to be done before we can relax the fight against corruption among public servants.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;Significant changes&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
It is against this backdrop that Parliament has passed the Prevention of Corruption (Amendment) Bill. At least one of the amendments, which mandates prior government approval of the Central or State government to initiate investigation into corruption charges, is bound to evoke negative reactions from large sections of the public.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Protection to government servants from arbitrary and unilateral action by anti-corruption agencies without prior permission from the government was earlier available only to the higher echelons, from the rank of Joint Secretary and above, before the Supreme Court struck down the so-called &amp;lsquo;Single Directive&amp;rsquo;. The latest tweak extends this protection to all public servants.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
This is welcome but ambitious. The new directive that requires prior approval at the preliminary inquiry stage as well as before the registration of a regular case carries many imponderables, especially the risks involved in delegating authority to order commencement of investigations under the Act.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Details of the expanded new procedure are not yet known. The Central Vigilance Commissioner may have to step in with some practical guidelines. The exercise involved here is enormous, given the size of India&amp;rsquo;s bureaucracy and the entrenched sophistication of dishonest practices. If the sanctioning authority is itself dishonest, can you expect an objective application of mind?&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
We cannot fault anti-corruption agencies if they believe that this change in procedure would embolden dishonest government personnel. But this is debatable. Only the speed and honesty of administrative ministries while acting on requests for permission from the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), in particular, for initiating action against an erring official would give us an idea of the practical difficulties involved.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Another major change is the deletion of the whole of clause (d) of sub-section (1) of Section 13, which defines &amp;lsquo;criminal misconduct&amp;rsquo; as the acquisition of a &amp;lsquo;valuable thing&amp;rsquo; or &amp;lsquo;pecuniary advantage&amp;rsquo; in a dishonest manner. The deleted clause was the sole effective weapon against a misbehaving senior official. This deletion (without substituting it with any other clause) is disappointing because corruption in high places is sophisticated and takes place in a highly clandestine manner.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
A few experts believe that there is also a certain dilution of the definition of &amp;lsquo;known sources of income&amp;rsquo; through the incorporation of the statement that this would include income received from any &amp;lsquo;lawful source&amp;rsquo;, an expression that has been left undefined. This is critical because of the misconception that as long as tax has been paid on income received from an undisclosed and illegitimate source, such income becomes lawful.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
One reasonable apprehension is that where a public servant causes performance of a public duty which is improper and against prescribed rules and procedures, and there is no proof of a transaction of bribery, he will go scot free. What if such improper performance is in lieu of future bribes or post-retirement jobs? There is a misgiving here that the latest amendments to Section 13(1) could be in conflict with the spirit of Article 19 of the United Nations Convention Against Corruption.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/a-balancing-act/article24555727.ece?homepage=true&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;&#039;,
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-The Hindu

Amendments to the Prevention of Corruption Act aim to limit overzealousness of enforcement agencies, but they raise important concerns too

It is unfortunate that India has not been able to shed the image of a highly corrupt nation even after...&#039;,
	&#039;disp&#039; =&gt; &#039;&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;-The Hindu&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Amendments to the Prevention of Corruption Act aim to limit overzealousness of enforcement agencies, but they raise important concerns too&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;It is unfortunate that India has not been able to shed the image of a highly corrupt nation even after seven decades of Independence. The average Indian believes that he cannot get even the basic services to which he is entitled under the law without greasing the palms of one or more officials at the ground level. In the recent past, things have undoubtedly changed for the better &amp;mdash; even if only marginally &amp;mdash; when people try to obtain a passport, a driving licence, or a birth/death certificate. This is thanks to digitisation and the sensible pruning of prescribed procedures. The Centre and a few States deserve praise for taking some initiatives to reduce corruption. But this is small comfort. A lot more needs to be done before we can relax the fight against corruption among public servants.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;Significant changes&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;It is against this backdrop that Parliament has passed the Prevention of Corruption (Amendment) Bill. At least one of the amendments, which mandates prior government approval of the Central or State government to initiate investigation into corruption charges, is bound to evoke negative reactions from large sections of the public.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Protection to government servants from arbitrary and unilateral action by anti-corruption agencies without prior permission from the government was earlier available only to the higher echelons, from the rank of Joint Secretary and above, before the Supreme Court struck down the so-called &amp;lsquo;Single Directive&amp;rsquo;. The latest tweak extends this protection to all public servants.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This is welcome but ambitious. The new directive that requires prior approval at the preliminary inquiry stage as well as before the registration of a regular case carries many imponderables, especially the risks involved in delegating authority to order commencement of investigations under the Act.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Details of the expanded new procedure are not yet known. The Central Vigilance Commissioner may have to step in with some practical guidelines. The exercise involved here is enormous, given the size of India&amp;rsquo;s bureaucracy and the entrenched sophistication of dishonest practices. If the sanctioning authority is itself dishonest, can you expect an objective application of mind?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;We cannot fault anti-corruption agencies if they believe that this change in procedure would embolden dishonest government personnel. But this is debatable. Only the speed and honesty of administrative ministries while acting on requests for permission from the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), in particular, for initiating action against an erring official would give us an idea of the practical difficulties involved.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Another major change is the deletion of the whole of clause (d) of sub-section (1) of Section 13, which defines &amp;lsquo;criminal misconduct&amp;rsquo; as the acquisition of a &amp;lsquo;valuable thing&amp;rsquo; or &amp;lsquo;pecuniary advantage&amp;rsquo; in a dishonest manner. The deleted clause was the sole effective weapon against a misbehaving senior official. This deletion (without substituting it with any other clause) is disappointing because corruption in high places is sophisticated and takes place in a highly clandestine manner.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;A few experts believe that there is also a certain dilution of the definition of &amp;lsquo;known sources of income&amp;rsquo; through the incorporation of the statement that this would include income received from any &amp;lsquo;lawful source&amp;rsquo;, an expression that has been left undefined. This is critical because of the misconception that as long as tax has been paid on income received from an undisclosed and illegitimate source, such income becomes lawful.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;One reasonable apprehension is that where a public servant causes performance of a public duty which is improper and against prescribed rules and procedures, and there is no proof of a transaction of bribery, he will go scot free. What if such improper performance is in lieu of future bribes or post-retirement jobs? There is a misgiving here that the latest amendments to Section 13(1) could be in conflict with the spirit of Article 19 of the United Nations Convention Against Corruption.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/a-balancing-act/article24555727.ece?homepage=true&quot; title=&quot;https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/a-balancing-act/article24555727.ece?homepage=true&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;&#039;,
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-The Hindu&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Amendments to the Prevention of Corruption Act aim to limit overzealousness of enforcement agencies, but they raise important concerns too&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
It is unfortunate that India has not been able to shed the image of a highly corrupt nation even after seven decades of Independence. The average Indian believes that he cannot get even the basic services to which he is entitled under the law without greasing the palms of one or more officials at the ground level. In the recent past, things have undoubtedly changed for the better &amp;mdash; even if only marginally &amp;mdash; when people try to obtain a passport, a driving licence, or a birth/death certificate. This is thanks to digitisation and the sensible pruning of prescribed procedures. The Centre and a few States deserve praise for taking some initiatives to reduce corruption. But this is small comfort. A lot more needs to be done before we can relax the fight against corruption among public servants.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;Significant changes&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
It is against this backdrop that Parliament has passed the Prevention of Corruption (Amendment) Bill. At least one of the amendments, which mandates prior government approval of the Central or State government to initiate investigation into corruption charges, is bound to evoke negative reactions from large sections of the public.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Protection to government servants from arbitrary and unilateral action by anti-corruption agencies without prior permission from the government was earlier available only to the higher echelons, from the rank of Joint Secretary and above, before the Supreme Court struck down the so-called &amp;lsquo;Single Directive&amp;rsquo;. The latest tweak extends this protection to all public servants.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
This is welcome but ambitious. The new directive that requires prior approval at the preliminary inquiry stage as well as before the registration of a regular case carries many imponderables, especially the risks involved in delegating authority to order commencement of investigations under the Act.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Details of the expanded new procedure are not yet known. The Central Vigilance Commissioner may have to step in with some practical guidelines. The exercise involved here is enormous, given the size of India&amp;rsquo;s bureaucracy and the entrenched sophistication of dishonest practices. If the sanctioning authority is itself dishonest, can you expect an objective application of mind?&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
We cannot fault anti-corruption agencies if they believe that this change in procedure would embolden dishonest government personnel. But this is debatable. Only the speed and honesty of administrative ministries while acting on requests for permission from the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), in particular, for initiating action against an erring official would give us an idea of the practical difficulties involved.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Another major change is the deletion of the whole of clause (d) of sub-section (1) of Section 13, which defines &amp;lsquo;criminal misconduct&amp;rsquo; as the acquisition of a &amp;lsquo;valuable thing&amp;rsquo; or &amp;lsquo;pecuniary advantage&amp;rsquo; in a dishonest manner. The deleted clause was the sole effective weapon against a misbehaving senior official. This deletion (without substituting it with any other clause) is disappointing because corruption in high places is sophisticated and takes place in a highly clandestine manner.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
A few experts believe that there is also a certain dilution of the definition of &amp;lsquo;known sources of income&amp;rsquo; through the incorporation of the statement that this would include income received from any &amp;lsquo;lawful source&amp;rsquo;, an expression that has been left undefined. This is critical because of the misconception that as long as tax has been paid on income received from an undisclosed and illegitimate source, such income becomes lawful.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
One reasonable apprehension is that where a public servant causes performance of a public duty which is improper and against prescribed rules and procedures, and there is no proof of a transaction of bribery, he will go scot free. What if such improper performance is in lieu of future bribes or post-retirement jobs? There is a misgiving here that the latest amendments to Section 13(1) could be in conflict with the spirit of Article 19 of the United Nations Convention Against Corruption.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/a-balancing-act/article24555727.ece?homepage=true&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;&#039;,
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-The Hindu

Amendments to the Prevention of Corruption Act aim to limit overzealousness of enforcement agencies, but they raise important concerns too

It is unfortunate that India has not been able to shed the image of a highly corrupt nation even after...&#039;
$disp = &#039;&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;-The Hindu&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Amendments to the Prevention of Corruption Act aim to limit overzealousness of enforcement agencies, but they raise important concerns too&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;It is unfortunate that India has not been able to shed the image of a highly corrupt nation even after seven decades of Independence. The average Indian believes that he cannot get even the basic services to which he is entitled under the law without greasing the palms of one or more officials at the ground level. In the recent past, things have undoubtedly changed for the better &amp;mdash; even if only marginally &amp;mdash; when people try to obtain a passport, a driving licence, or a birth/death certificate. This is thanks to digitisation and the sensible pruning of prescribed procedures. The Centre and a few States deserve praise for taking some initiatives to reduce corruption. But this is small comfort. A lot more needs to be done before we can relax the fight against corruption among public servants.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;Significant changes&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;It is against this backdrop that Parliament has passed the Prevention of Corruption (Amendment) Bill. At least one of the amendments, which mandates prior government approval of the Central or State government to initiate investigation into corruption charges, is bound to evoke negative reactions from large sections of the public.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Protection to government servants from arbitrary and unilateral action by anti-corruption agencies without prior permission from the government was earlier available only to the higher echelons, from the rank of Joint Secretary and above, before the Supreme Court struck down the so-called &amp;lsquo;Single Directive&amp;rsquo;. The latest tweak extends this protection to all public servants.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This is welcome but ambitious. The new directive that requires prior approval at the preliminary inquiry stage as well as before the registration of a regular case carries many imponderables, especially the risks involved in delegating authority to order commencement of investigations under the Act.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Details of the expanded new procedure are not yet known. The Central Vigilance Commissioner may have to step in with some practical guidelines. The exercise involved here is enormous, given the size of India&amp;rsquo;s bureaucracy and the entrenched sophistication of dishonest practices. If the sanctioning authority is itself dishonest, can you expect an objective application of mind?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;We cannot fault anti-corruption agencies if they believe that this change in procedure would embolden dishonest government personnel. But this is debatable. Only the speed and honesty of administrative ministries while acting on requests for permission from the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), in particular, for initiating action against an erring official would give us an idea of the practical difficulties involved.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Another major change is the deletion of the whole of clause (d) of sub-section (1) of Section 13, which defines &amp;lsquo;criminal misconduct&amp;rsquo; as the acquisition of a &amp;lsquo;valuable thing&amp;rsquo; or &amp;lsquo;pecuniary advantage&amp;rsquo; in a dishonest manner. The deleted clause was the sole effective weapon against a misbehaving senior official. 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What if such improper performance is in lieu of future bribes or post-retirement jobs? There is a misgiving here that the latest amendments to Section 13(1) could be in conflict with the spirit of Article 19 of the United Nations Convention Against Corruption.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/a-balancing-act/article24555727.ece?homepage=true&quot; title=&quot;https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/a-balancing-act/article24555727.ece?homepage=true&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;&#039;
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-The Hindu

Amendments to the Prevention of Corruption Act aim to limit overzealousness of enforcement agencies, but they raise important concerns too

It is unfortunate that India has not been able to shed the image of a highly corrupt nation even after..."/>
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                <strong>A balancing Act -RK Raghavan</strong></h1>
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                <div align="justify">-The Hindu<br /><em><br />Amendments to the Prevention of Corruption Act aim to limit overzealousness of enforcement agencies, but they raise important concerns too<br /></em><br />It is unfortunate that India has not been able to shed the image of a highly corrupt nation even after seven decades of Independence. The average Indian believes that he cannot get even the basic services to which he is entitled under the law without greasing the palms of one or more officials at the ground level. In the recent past, things have undoubtedly changed for the better &mdash; even if only marginally &mdash; when people try to obtain a passport, a driving licence, or a birth/death certificate. This is thanks to digitisation and the sensible pruning of prescribed procedures. The Centre and a few States deserve praise for taking some initiatives to reduce corruption. But this is small comfort. A lot more needs to be done before we can relax the fight against corruption among public servants.<br /><br /><em>Significant changes<br /></em><br />It is against this backdrop that Parliament has passed the Prevention of Corruption (Amendment) Bill. At least one of the amendments, which mandates prior government approval of the Central or State government to initiate investigation into corruption charges, is bound to evoke negative reactions from large sections of the public.<br /><br />Protection to government servants from arbitrary and unilateral action by anti-corruption agencies without prior permission from the government was earlier available only to the higher echelons, from the rank of Joint Secretary and above, before the Supreme Court struck down the so-called &lsquo;Single Directive&rsquo;. The latest tweak extends this protection to all public servants.<br /><br />This is welcome but ambitious. The new directive that requires prior approval at the preliminary inquiry stage as well as before the registration of a regular case carries many imponderables, especially the risks involved in delegating authority to order commencement of investigations under the Act.<br /><br />Details of the expanded new procedure are not yet known. The Central Vigilance Commissioner may have to step in with some practical guidelines. The exercise involved here is enormous, given the size of India&rsquo;s bureaucracy and the entrenched sophistication of dishonest practices. If the sanctioning authority is itself dishonest, can you expect an objective application of mind?<br /><br />We cannot fault anti-corruption agencies if they believe that this change in procedure would embolden dishonest government personnel. But this is debatable. Only the speed and honesty of administrative ministries while acting on requests for permission from the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), in particular, for initiating action against an erring official would give us an idea of the practical difficulties involved.<br /><br />Another major change is the deletion of the whole of clause (d) of sub-section (1) of Section 13, which defines &lsquo;criminal misconduct&rsquo; as the acquisition of a &lsquo;valuable thing&rsquo; or &lsquo;pecuniary advantage&rsquo; in a dishonest manner. The deleted clause was the sole effective weapon against a misbehaving senior official. This deletion (without substituting it with any other clause) is disappointing because corruption in high places is sophisticated and takes place in a highly clandestine manner.<br /><br />A few experts believe that there is also a certain dilution of the definition of &lsquo;known sources of income&rsquo; through the incorporation of the statement that this would include income received from any &lsquo;lawful source&rsquo;, an expression that has been left undefined. This is critical because of the misconception that as long as tax has been paid on income received from an undisclosed and illegitimate source, such income becomes lawful.<br /><br />One reasonable apprehension is that where a public servant causes performance of a public duty which is improper and against prescribed rules and procedures, and there is no proof of a transaction of bribery, he will go scot free. What if such improper performance is in lieu of future bribes or post-retirement jobs? There is a misgiving here that the latest amendments to Section 13(1) could be in conflict with the spirit of Article 19 of the United Nations Convention Against Corruption.<br /><br />Please <a href="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/a-balancing-act/article24555727.ece?homepage=true" title="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/a-balancing-act/article24555727.ece?homepage=true">click here</a> to read more. <br /></div>               </font>
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-The Hindu&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Amendments to the Prevention of Corruption Act aim to limit overzealousness of enforcement agencies, but they raise important concerns too&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
It is unfortunate that India has not been able to shed the image of a highly corrupt nation even after seven decades of Independence. The average Indian believes that he cannot get even the basic services to which he is entitled under the law without greasing the palms of one or more officials at the ground level. In the recent past, things have undoubtedly changed for the better &amp;mdash; even if only marginally &amp;mdash; when people try to obtain a passport, a driving licence, or a birth/death certificate. This is thanks to digitisation and the sensible pruning of prescribed procedures. The Centre and a few States deserve praise for taking some initiatives to reduce corruption. But this is small comfort. A lot more needs to be done before we can relax the fight against corruption among public servants.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;Significant changes&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
It is against this backdrop that Parliament has passed the Prevention of Corruption (Amendment) Bill. At least one of the amendments, which mandates prior government approval of the Central or State government to initiate investigation into corruption charges, is bound to evoke negative reactions from large sections of the public.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Protection to government servants from arbitrary and unilateral action by anti-corruption agencies without prior permission from the government was earlier available only to the higher echelons, from the rank of Joint Secretary and above, before the Supreme Court struck down the so-called &amp;lsquo;Single Directive&amp;rsquo;. The latest tweak extends this protection to all public servants.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
This is welcome but ambitious. The new directive that requires prior approval at the preliminary inquiry stage as well as before the registration of a regular case carries many imponderables, especially the risks involved in delegating authority to order commencement of investigations under the Act.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Details of the expanded new procedure are not yet known. The Central Vigilance Commissioner may have to step in with some practical guidelines. The exercise involved here is enormous, given the size of India&amp;rsquo;s bureaucracy and the entrenched sophistication of dishonest practices. If the sanctioning authority is itself dishonest, can you expect an objective application of mind?&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
We cannot fault anti-corruption agencies if they believe that this change in procedure would embolden dishonest government personnel. But this is debatable. Only the speed and honesty of administrative ministries while acting on requests for permission from the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), in particular, for initiating action against an erring official would give us an idea of the practical difficulties involved.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Another major change is the deletion of the whole of clause (d) of sub-section (1) of Section 13, which defines &amp;lsquo;criminal misconduct&amp;rsquo; as the acquisition of a &amp;lsquo;valuable thing&amp;rsquo; or &amp;lsquo;pecuniary advantage&amp;rsquo; in a dishonest manner. The deleted clause was the sole effective weapon against a misbehaving senior official. This deletion (without substituting it with any other clause) is disappointing because corruption in high places is sophisticated and takes place in a highly clandestine manner.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
A few experts believe that there is also a certain dilution of the definition of &amp;lsquo;known sources of income&amp;rsquo; through the incorporation of the statement that this would include income received from any &amp;lsquo;lawful source&amp;rsquo;, an expression that has been left undefined. This is critical because of the misconception that as long as tax has been paid on income received from an undisclosed and illegitimate source, such income becomes lawful.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
One reasonable apprehension is that where a public servant causes performance of a public duty which is improper and against prescribed rules and procedures, and there is no proof of a transaction of bribery, he will go scot free. What if such improper performance is in lieu of future bribes or post-retirement jobs? There is a misgiving here that the latest amendments to Section 13(1) could be in conflict with the spirit of Article 19 of the United Nations Convention Against Corruption.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/a-balancing-act/article24555727.ece?homepage=true&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;
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Amendments to the Prevention of Corruption Act aim to limit overzealousness of enforcement agencies, but they raise important concerns too

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	&#039;disp&#039; =&gt; &#039;&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;-The Hindu&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Amendments to the Prevention of Corruption Act aim to limit overzealousness of enforcement agencies, but they raise important concerns too&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;It is unfortunate that India has not been able to shed the image of a highly corrupt nation even after seven decades of Independence. The average Indian believes that he cannot get even the basic services to which he is entitled under the law without greasing the palms of one or more officials at the ground level. In the recent past, things have undoubtedly changed for the better &amp;mdash; even if only marginally &amp;mdash; when people try to obtain a passport, a driving licence, or a birth/death certificate. This is thanks to digitisation and the sensible pruning of prescribed procedures. The Centre and a few States deserve praise for taking some initiatives to reduce corruption. 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-The Hindu&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Amendments to the Prevention of Corruption Act aim to limit overzealousness of enforcement agencies, but they raise important concerns too&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
It is unfortunate that India has not been able to shed the image of a highly corrupt nation even after seven decades of Independence. The average Indian believes that he cannot get even the basic services to which he is entitled under the law without greasing the palms of one or more officials at the ground level. In the recent past, things have undoubtedly changed for the better &amp;mdash; even if only marginally &amp;mdash; when people try to obtain a passport, a driving licence, or a birth/death certificate. This is thanks to digitisation and the sensible pruning of prescribed procedures. The Centre and a few States deserve praise for taking some initiatives to reduce corruption. But this is small comfort. A lot more needs to be done before we can relax the fight against corruption among public servants.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;Significant changes&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
It is against this backdrop that Parliament has passed the Prevention of Corruption (Amendment) Bill. At least one of the amendments, which mandates prior government approval of the Central or State government to initiate investigation into corruption charges, is bound to evoke negative reactions from large sections of the public.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Protection to government servants from arbitrary and unilateral action by anti-corruption agencies without prior permission from the government was earlier available only to the higher echelons, from the rank of Joint Secretary and above, before the Supreme Court struck down the so-called &amp;lsquo;Single Directive&amp;rsquo;. The latest tweak extends this protection to all public servants.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
This is welcome but ambitious. The new directive that requires prior approval at the preliminary inquiry stage as well as before the registration of a regular case carries many imponderables, especially the risks involved in delegating authority to order commencement of investigations under the Act.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Details of the expanded new procedure are not yet known. The Central Vigilance Commissioner may have to step in with some practical guidelines. The exercise involved here is enormous, given the size of India&amp;rsquo;s bureaucracy and the entrenched sophistication of dishonest practices. If the sanctioning authority is itself dishonest, can you expect an objective application of mind?&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
We cannot fault anti-corruption agencies if they believe that this change in procedure would embolden dishonest government personnel. But this is debatable. Only the speed and honesty of administrative ministries while acting on requests for permission from the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), in particular, for initiating action against an erring official would give us an idea of the practical difficulties involved.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Another major change is the deletion of the whole of clause (d) of sub-section (1) of Section 13, which defines &amp;lsquo;criminal misconduct&amp;rsquo; as the acquisition of a &amp;lsquo;valuable thing&amp;rsquo; or &amp;lsquo;pecuniary advantage&amp;rsquo; in a dishonest manner. The deleted clause was the sole effective weapon against a misbehaving senior official. This deletion (without substituting it with any other clause) is disappointing because corruption in high places is sophisticated and takes place in a highly clandestine manner.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
A few experts believe that there is also a certain dilution of the definition of &amp;lsquo;known sources of income&amp;rsquo; through the incorporation of the statement that this would include income received from any &amp;lsquo;lawful source&amp;rsquo;, an expression that has been left undefined. This is critical because of the misconception that as long as tax has been paid on income received from an undisclosed and illegitimate source, such income becomes lawful.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
One reasonable apprehension is that where a public servant causes performance of a public duty which is improper and against prescribed rules and procedures, and there is no proof of a transaction of bribery, he will go scot free. What if such improper performance is in lieu of future bribes or post-retirement jobs? There is a misgiving here that the latest amendments to Section 13(1) could be in conflict with the spirit of Article 19 of the United Nations Convention Against Corruption.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/a-balancing-act/article24555727.ece?homepage=true&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;
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Amendments to the Prevention of Corruption Act aim to limit overzealousness of enforcement agencies, but they raise important concerns too

It is unfortunate that India has not been able to shed the image of a highly corrupt nation even after...&#039;
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-The Hindu

Amendments to the Prevention of Corruption Act aim to limit overzealousness of enforcement agencies, but they raise important concerns too

It is unfortunate that India has not been able to shed the image of a highly corrupt nation even after..."/>
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                <strong>A balancing Act -RK Raghavan</strong></h1>
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                <div align="justify">-The Hindu<br /><em><br />Amendments to the Prevention of Corruption Act aim to limit overzealousness of enforcement agencies, but they raise important concerns too<br /></em><br />It is unfortunate that India has not been able to shed the image of a highly corrupt nation even after seven decades of Independence. The average Indian believes that he cannot get even the basic services to which he is entitled under the law without greasing the palms of one or more officials at the ground level. In the recent past, things have undoubtedly changed for the better &mdash; even if only marginally &mdash; when people try to obtain a passport, a driving licence, or a birth/death certificate. This is thanks to digitisation and the sensible pruning of prescribed procedures. The Centre and a few States deserve praise for taking some initiatives to reduce corruption. But this is small comfort. A lot more needs to be done before we can relax the fight against corruption among public servants.<br /><br /><em>Significant changes<br /></em><br />It is against this backdrop that Parliament has passed the Prevention of Corruption (Amendment) Bill. At least one of the amendments, which mandates prior government approval of the Central or State government to initiate investigation into corruption charges, is bound to evoke negative reactions from large sections of the public.<br /><br />Protection to government servants from arbitrary and unilateral action by anti-corruption agencies without prior permission from the government was earlier available only to the higher echelons, from the rank of Joint Secretary and above, before the Supreme Court struck down the so-called &lsquo;Single Directive&rsquo;. The latest tweak extends this protection to all public servants.<br /><br />This is welcome but ambitious. The new directive that requires prior approval at the preliminary inquiry stage as well as before the registration of a regular case carries many imponderables, especially the risks involved in delegating authority to order commencement of investigations under the Act.<br /><br />Details of the expanded new procedure are not yet known. The Central Vigilance Commissioner may have to step in with some practical guidelines. The exercise involved here is enormous, given the size of India&rsquo;s bureaucracy and the entrenched sophistication of dishonest practices. If the sanctioning authority is itself dishonest, can you expect an objective application of mind?<br /><br />We cannot fault anti-corruption agencies if they believe that this change in procedure would embolden dishonest government personnel. But this is debatable. Only the speed and honesty of administrative ministries while acting on requests for permission from the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), in particular, for initiating action against an erring official would give us an idea of the practical difficulties involved.<br /><br />Another major change is the deletion of the whole of clause (d) of sub-section (1) of Section 13, which defines &lsquo;criminal misconduct&rsquo; as the acquisition of a &lsquo;valuable thing&rsquo; or &lsquo;pecuniary advantage&rsquo; in a dishonest manner. The deleted clause was the sole effective weapon against a misbehaving senior official. This deletion (without substituting it with any other clause) is disappointing because corruption in high places is sophisticated and takes place in a highly clandestine manner.<br /><br />A few experts believe that there is also a certain dilution of the definition of &lsquo;known sources of income&rsquo; through the incorporation of the statement that this would include income received from any &lsquo;lawful source&rsquo;, an expression that has been left undefined. This is critical because of the misconception that as long as tax has been paid on income received from an undisclosed and illegitimate source, such income becomes lawful.<br /><br />One reasonable apprehension is that where a public servant causes performance of a public duty which is improper and against prescribed rules and procedures, and there is no proof of a transaction of bribery, he will go scot free. What if such improper performance is in lieu of future bribes or post-retirement jobs? There is a misgiving here that the latest amendments to Section 13(1) could be in conflict with the spirit of Article 19 of the United Nations Convention Against Corruption.<br /><br />Please <a href="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/a-balancing-act/article24555727.ece?homepage=true" title="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/a-balancing-act/article24555727.ece?homepage=true">click here</a> to read more. <br /></div>               </font>
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-The Hindu<br />
<em><br />
Amendments to the Prevention of Corruption Act aim to limit overzealousness of enforcement agencies, but they raise important concerns too<br />
</em><br />
It is unfortunate that India has not been able to shed the image of a highly corrupt nation even after seven decades of Independence. The average Indian believes that he cannot get even the basic services to which he is entitled under the law without greasing the palms of one or more officials at the ground level. In the recent past, things have undoubtedly changed for the better &mdash; even if only marginally &mdash; when people try to obtain a passport, a driving licence, or a birth/death certificate. This is thanks to digitisation and the sensible pruning of prescribed procedures. The Centre and a few States deserve praise for taking some initiatives to reduce corruption. But this is small comfort. A lot more needs to be done before we can relax the fight against corruption among public servants.<br />
<br />
<em>Significant changes<br />
</em><br />
It is against this backdrop that Parliament has passed the Prevention of Corruption (Amendment) Bill. At least one of the amendments, which mandates prior government approval of the Central or State government to initiate investigation into corruption charges, is bound to evoke negative reactions from large sections of the public.<br />
<br />
Protection to government servants from arbitrary and unilateral action by anti-corruption agencies without prior permission from the government was earlier available only to the higher echelons, from the rank of Joint Secretary and above, before the Supreme Court struck down the so-called &lsquo;Single Directive&rsquo;. The latest tweak extends this protection to all public servants.<br />
<br />
This is welcome but ambitious. The new directive that requires prior approval at the preliminary inquiry stage as well as before the registration of a regular case carries many imponderables, especially the risks involved in delegating authority to order commencement of investigations under the Act.<br />
<br />
Details of the expanded new procedure are not yet known. The Central Vigilance Commissioner may have to step in with some practical guidelines. The exercise involved here is enormous, given the size of India&rsquo;s bureaucracy and the entrenched sophistication of dishonest practices. If the sanctioning authority is itself dishonest, can you expect an objective application of mind?<br />
<br />
We cannot fault anti-corruption agencies if they believe that this change in procedure would embolden dishonest government personnel. But this is debatable. Only the speed and honesty of administrative ministries while acting on requests for permission from the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), in particular, for initiating action against an erring official would give us an idea of the practical difficulties involved.<br />
<br />
Another major change is the deletion of the whole of clause (d) of sub-section (1) of Section 13, which defines &lsquo;criminal misconduct&rsquo; as the acquisition of a &lsquo;valuable thing&rsquo; or &lsquo;pecuniary advantage&rsquo; in a dishonest manner. The deleted clause was the sole effective weapon against a misbehaving senior official. This deletion (without substituting it with any other clause) is disappointing because corruption in high places is sophisticated and takes place in a highly clandestine manner.<br />
<br />
A few experts believe that there is also a certain dilution of the definition of &lsquo;known sources of income&rsquo; through the incorporation of the statement that this would include income received from any &lsquo;lawful source&rsquo;, an expression that has been left undefined. This is critical because of the misconception that as long as tax has been paid on income received from an undisclosed and illegitimate source, such income becomes lawful.<br />
<br />
One reasonable apprehension is that where a public servant causes performance of a public duty which is improper and against prescribed rules and procedures, and there is no proof of a transaction of bribery, he will go scot free. What if such improper performance is in lieu of future bribes or post-retirement jobs? There is a misgiving here that the latest amendments to Section 13(1) could be in conflict with the spirit of Article 19 of the United Nations Convention Against Corruption.<br />
<br />
Please <a href="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/a-balancing-act/article24555727.ece?homepage=true">click here</a> to read more. <br />
</div>',
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Amendments to the Prevention of Corruption Act aim to limit overzealousness of enforcement agencies, but they raise important concerns too

It is unfortunate that India has not been able to shed the image of a highly corrupt nation even after...',
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-The Hindu<br />
<em><br />
Amendments to the Prevention of Corruption Act aim to limit overzealousness of enforcement agencies, but they raise important concerns too<br />
</em><br />
It is unfortunate that India has not been able to shed the image of a highly corrupt nation even after seven decades of Independence. The average Indian believes that he cannot get even the basic services to which he is entitled under the law without greasing the palms of one or more officials at the ground level. In the recent past, things have undoubtedly changed for the better &mdash; even if only marginally &mdash; when people try to obtain a passport, a driving licence, or a birth/death certificate. This is thanks to digitisation and the sensible pruning of prescribed procedures. The Centre and a few States deserve praise for taking some initiatives to reduce corruption. But this is small comfort. A lot more needs to be done before we can relax the fight against corruption among public servants.<br />
<br />
<em>Significant changes<br />
</em><br />
It is against this backdrop that Parliament has passed the Prevention of Corruption (Amendment) Bill. At least one of the amendments, which mandates prior government approval of the Central or State government to initiate investigation into corruption charges, is bound to evoke negative reactions from large sections of the public.<br />
<br />
Protection to government servants from arbitrary and unilateral action by anti-corruption agencies without prior permission from the government was earlier available only to the higher echelons, from the rank of Joint Secretary and above, before the Supreme Court struck down the so-called &lsquo;Single Directive&rsquo;. The latest tweak extends this protection to all public servants.<br />
<br />
This is welcome but ambitious. The new directive that requires prior approval at the preliminary inquiry stage as well as before the registration of a regular case carries many imponderables, especially the risks involved in delegating authority to order commencement of investigations under the Act.<br />
<br />
Details of the expanded new procedure are not yet known. The Central Vigilance Commissioner may have to step in with some practical guidelines. The exercise involved here is enormous, given the size of India&rsquo;s bureaucracy and the entrenched sophistication of dishonest practices. If the sanctioning authority is itself dishonest, can you expect an objective application of mind?<br />
<br />
We cannot fault anti-corruption agencies if they believe that this change in procedure would embolden dishonest government personnel. But this is debatable. Only the speed and honesty of administrative ministries while acting on requests for permission from the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), in particular, for initiating action against an erring official would give us an idea of the practical difficulties involved.<br />
<br />
Another major change is the deletion of the whole of clause (d) of sub-section (1) of Section 13, which defines &lsquo;criminal misconduct&rsquo; as the acquisition of a &lsquo;valuable thing&rsquo; or &lsquo;pecuniary advantage&rsquo; in a dishonest manner. The deleted clause was the sole effective weapon against a misbehaving senior official. This deletion (without substituting it with any other clause) is disappointing because corruption in high places is sophisticated and takes place in a highly clandestine manner.<br />
<br />
A few experts believe that there is also a certain dilution of the definition of &lsquo;known sources of income&rsquo; through the incorporation of the statement that this would include income received from any &lsquo;lawful source&rsquo;, an expression that has been left undefined. This is critical because of the misconception that as long as tax has been paid on income received from an undisclosed and illegitimate source, such income becomes lawful.<br />
<br />
One reasonable apprehension is that where a public servant causes performance of a public duty which is improper and against prescribed rules and procedures, and there is no proof of a transaction of bribery, he will go scot free. What if such improper performance is in lieu of future bribes or post-retirement jobs? There is a misgiving here that the latest amendments to Section 13(1) could be in conflict with the spirit of Article 19 of the United Nations Convention Against Corruption.<br />
<br />
Please <a href="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/a-balancing-act/article24555727.ece?homepage=true">click here</a> to read more. <br />
</div>',
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-The Hindu

Amendments to the Prevention of Corruption Act aim to limit overzealousness of enforcement agencies, but they raise important concerns too

It is unfortunate that India has not been able to shed the image of a highly corrupt nation even after...'
$disp = '<div align="justify">-The Hindu<br /><em><br />Amendments to the Prevention of Corruption Act aim to limit overzealousness of enforcement agencies, but they raise important concerns too<br /></em><br />It is unfortunate that India has not been able to shed the image of a highly corrupt nation even after seven decades of Independence. The average Indian believes that he cannot get even the basic services to which he is entitled under the law without greasing the palms of one or more officials at the ground level. In the recent past, things have undoubtedly changed for the better &mdash; even if only marginally &mdash; when people try to obtain a passport, a driving licence, or a birth/death certificate. This is thanks to digitisation and the sensible pruning of prescribed procedures. The Centre and a few States deserve praise for taking some initiatives to reduce corruption. But this is small comfort. A lot more needs to be done before we can relax the fight against corruption among public servants.<br /><br /><em>Significant changes<br /></em><br />It is against this backdrop that Parliament has passed the Prevention of Corruption (Amendment) Bill. At least one of the amendments, which mandates prior government approval of the Central or State government to initiate investigation into corruption charges, is bound to evoke negative reactions from large sections of the public.<br /><br />Protection to government servants from arbitrary and unilateral action by anti-corruption agencies without prior permission from the government was earlier available only to the higher echelons, from the rank of Joint Secretary and above, before the Supreme Court struck down the so-called &lsquo;Single Directive&rsquo;. The latest tweak extends this protection to all public servants.<br /><br />This is welcome but ambitious. The new directive that requires prior approval at the preliminary inquiry stage as well as before the registration of a regular case carries many imponderables, especially the risks involved in delegating authority to order commencement of investigations under the Act.<br /><br />Details of the expanded new procedure are not yet known. The Central Vigilance Commissioner may have to step in with some practical guidelines. The exercise involved here is enormous, given the size of India&rsquo;s bureaucracy and the entrenched sophistication of dishonest practices. If the sanctioning authority is itself dishonest, can you expect an objective application of mind?<br /><br />We cannot fault anti-corruption agencies if they believe that this change in procedure would embolden dishonest government personnel. But this is debatable. Only the speed and honesty of administrative ministries while acting on requests for permission from the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), in particular, for initiating action against an erring official would give us an idea of the practical difficulties involved.<br /><br />Another major change is the deletion of the whole of clause (d) of sub-section (1) of Section 13, which defines &lsquo;criminal misconduct&rsquo; as the acquisition of a &lsquo;valuable thing&rsquo; or &lsquo;pecuniary advantage&rsquo; in a dishonest manner. The deleted clause was the sole effective weapon against a misbehaving senior official. This deletion (without substituting it with any other clause) is disappointing because corruption in high places is sophisticated and takes place in a highly clandestine manner.<br /><br />A few experts believe that there is also a certain dilution of the definition of &lsquo;known sources of income&rsquo; through the incorporation of the statement that this would include income received from any &lsquo;lawful source&rsquo;, an expression that has been left undefined. This is critical because of the misconception that as long as tax has been paid on income received from an undisclosed and illegitimate source, such income becomes lawful.<br /><br />One reasonable apprehension is that where a public servant causes performance of a public duty which is improper and against prescribed rules and procedures, and there is no proof of a transaction of bribery, he will go scot free. What if such improper performance is in lieu of future bribes or post-retirement jobs? There is a misgiving here that the latest amendments to Section 13(1) could be in conflict with the spirit of Article 19 of the United Nations Convention Against Corruption.<br /><br />Please <a href="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/a-balancing-act/article24555727.ece?homepage=true" title="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/a-balancing-act/article24555727.ece?homepage=true">click here</a> to read more. <br /></div>'
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A balancing Act -RK Raghavan

-The Hindu Amendments to the Prevention of Corruption Act aim to limit overzealousness of enforcement agencies, but they raise important concerns too It is unfortunate that India has not been able to shed the image of a highly corrupt nation even after seven decades of Independence. The average Indian believes that he cannot get even the basic services to which he is entitled under the law without greasing the palms of one or more officials at the ground level. In the recent past, things have undoubtedly changed for the better — even if only marginally — when people try to obtain a passport, a driving licence, or a birth/death certificate. This is thanks to digitisation and the sensible pruning of prescribed procedures. The Centre and a few States deserve praise for taking some initiatives to reduce corruption. But this is small comfort. A lot more needs to be done before we can relax the fight against corruption among public servants. Significant changes It is against this backdrop that Parliament has passed the Prevention of Corruption (Amendment) Bill. At least one of the amendments, which mandates prior government approval of the Central or State government to initiate investigation into corruption charges, is bound to evoke negative reactions from large sections of the public. Protection to government servants from arbitrary and unilateral action by anti-corruption agencies without prior permission from the government was earlier available only to the higher echelons, from the rank of Joint Secretary and above, before the Supreme Court struck down the so-called ‘Single Directive’. The latest tweak extends this protection to all public servants. This is welcome but ambitious. The new directive that requires prior approval at the preliminary inquiry stage as well as before the registration of a regular case carries many imponderables, especially the risks involved in delegating authority to order commencement of investigations under the Act. Details of the expanded new procedure are not yet known. The Central Vigilance Commissioner may have to step in with some practical guidelines. The exercise involved here is enormous, given the size of India’s bureaucracy and the entrenched sophistication of dishonest practices. If the sanctioning authority is itself dishonest, can you expect an objective application of mind? We cannot fault anti-corruption agencies if they believe that this change in procedure would embolden dishonest government personnel. But this is debatable. Only the speed and honesty of administrative ministries while acting on requests for permission from the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), in particular, for initiating action against an erring official would give us an idea of the practical difficulties involved. Another major change is the deletion of the whole of clause (d) of sub-section (1) of Section 13, which defines ‘criminal misconduct’ as the acquisition of a ‘valuable thing’ or ‘pecuniary advantage’ in a dishonest manner. The deleted clause was the sole effective weapon against a misbehaving senior official. This deletion (without substituting it with any other clause) is disappointing because corruption in high places is sophisticated and takes place in a highly clandestine manner. A few experts believe that there is also a certain dilution of the definition of ‘known sources of income’ through the incorporation of the statement that this would include income received from any ‘lawful source’, an expression that has been left undefined. This is critical because of the misconception that as long as tax has been paid on income received from an undisclosed and illegitimate source, such income becomes lawful. One reasonable apprehension is that where a public servant causes performance of a public duty which is improper and against prescribed rules and procedures, and there is no proof of a transaction of bribery, he will go scot free. What if such improper performance is in lieu of future bribes or post-retirement jobs? There is a misgiving here that the latest amendments to Section 13(1) could be in conflict with the spirit of Article 19 of the United Nations Convention Against Corruption. Please click here to read more.