Deprecated (16384): The ArrayAccess methods will be removed in 4.0.0.Use getParam(), getData() and getQuery() instead. - /home/brlfuser/public_html/src/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line: 73
 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php. [CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311]
Code Context


        trigger_error($message, E_USER_DEPRECATED);

    }
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 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php.'
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deprecationWarning - CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311
Cake\Http\ServerRequest::offsetGet() - CORE/src/Http/ServerRequest.php, line 2421
App\Controller\ArtileDetailController::printArticle() - APP/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line 73
Cake\Controller\Controller::invokeAction() - CORE/src/Controller/Controller.php, line 610
Cake\Http\ActionDispatcher::_invoke() - CORE/src/Http/ActionDispatcher.php, line 120
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Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
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Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
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Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Error\Middleware\ErrorHandlerMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Error/Middleware/ErrorHandlerMiddleware.php, line 96
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Http\Runner::run() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 51
Cake\Http\Server::run() - CORE/src/Http/Server.php, line 98

Deprecated (16384): The ArrayAccess methods will be removed in 4.0.0.Use getParam(), getData() and getQuery() instead. - /home/brlfuser/public_html/src/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line: 74
 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php. [CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311]
Code Context


        trigger_error($message, E_USER_DEPRECATED);

    }
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 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php.'
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deprecationWarning - CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311
Cake\Http\ServerRequest::offsetGet() - CORE/src/Http/ServerRequest.php, line 2421
App\Controller\ArtileDetailController::printArticle() - APP/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line 74
Cake\Controller\Controller::invokeAction() - CORE/src/Controller/Controller.php, line 610
Cake\Http\ActionDispatcher::_invoke() - CORE/src/Http/ActionDispatcher.php, line 120
Cake\Http\ActionDispatcher::dispatch() - CORE/src/Http/ActionDispatcher.php, line 94
Cake\Http\BaseApplication::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/BaseApplication.php, line 235
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Routing\Middleware\RoutingMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Routing/Middleware/RoutingMiddleware.php, line 162
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Routing\Middleware\AssetMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Routing/Middleware/AssetMiddleware.php, line 88
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Error\Middleware\ErrorHandlerMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Error/Middleware/ErrorHandlerMiddleware.php, line 96
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Http\Runner::run() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 51
Cake\Http\Server::run() - CORE/src/Http/Server.php, line 98

Warning (512): Unable to emit headers. Headers sent in file=/home/brlfuser/public_html/vendor/cakephp/cakephp/src/Error/Debugger.php line=853 [CORE/src/Http/ResponseEmitter.php, line 48]
Code Context
            if (Configure::read('debug')) {

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-Live Mint
&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;p align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;Some commentators have gone so far as to dismiss India&#039;s nutritional crisis as a &amp;lsquo;hoax&#039; &lt;/em&gt;
&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;
In a recent article, Columbia University economist Arvind Panagariya argued that India need not be ashamed of its malnutrition statistics as they are likely to be exaggerated.
&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;
Panagariya&#039;s contention that international standards used to measure nutritional attainments of Indian children are inappropriate, as they fail to account for &amp;quot;genetic differences&amp;quot; seem to have found favour with other commentators, who have gone so far as to dismiss India&#039;s nutritional crisis as a &amp;quot;hoax&amp;quot;. Just as reform critics see India&#039;s malnutrition statistics as an indictment of the reforms process, Panagariya&#039;s hypothesis of exaggerated malnutrition figures is seen as an exoneration of reforms.
&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;
There are several problems with such arguments. First, the hypothesis that genetic differences could account for growth differences is a very old one, and one that has been repeatedly dismissed by several studies, including the one by the World Health Organization (WHO) which led to the introduction of new international growth norms in 2006.
&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;
Second, while malnutrition sceptics emphasize India&#039;s higher child survival figures as compared to sub-Saharan Africa-where the proportion of underweight children is half that of India-they tend to ignore the higher proportion of low birth weights in India. As several studies by nutritionists show, the root of high malnutrition in India (and much of South Asia) lies in the low social status of women. Unhealthy mothers, in turn, give birth to low birth weight children, who turn malnourished. Third, although malnutrition does not always lead to death in India, it can still be quite dangerous. A growing body of evidence suggests that low birth weights of Asian children are related to obesity related disorders, much later in life.
&lt;/p&gt;
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To be sure, it is true that eliminating the nutrition gap between India and the rest of the world may take several generations. But this is no reason to abandon international growth norms, nor does it imply a permanent &amp;quot;genetic difference&amp;quot;. Indeed, this gap should motivate India to redress gender inequities quicker, invest in cost-effective preventive health systems and reform her decaying nutrition institutions such as the Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS). Even if South Asian children were genetically predisposed to being smaller, it still does not explain why India should lag behind poorer neighbours such as Bangladesh and Nepal in nutritional outcomes.
&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;
Finally, India&#039;s malnutrition figures must not be seen as an indictment of the reforms process; rather, they are an indictment of our unreformed public delivery systems, and of our long history of gender bias.
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-Live Mint



Some commentators have gone so far as to dismiss India&#039;s nutritional crisis as a &amp;lsquo;hoax&#039; 


In a recent article, Columbia University economist Arvind Panagariya argued that India need not be ashamed of its malnutrition statistics as they are likely...&#039;,
	&#039;disp&#039; =&gt; &#039;&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;-Live Mint&lt;/div&gt;&lt;p align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;Some commentators have gone so far as to dismiss India&#039;s nutritional crisis as a &amp;lsquo;hoax&#039; &lt;/em&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;In a recent article, Columbia University economist Arvind Panagariya argued that India need not be ashamed of its malnutrition statistics as they are likely to be exaggerated.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;Panagariya&#039;s contention that international standards used to measure nutritional attainments of Indian children are inappropriate, as they fail to account for &amp;quot;genetic differences&amp;quot; seem to have found favour with other commentators, who have gone so far as to dismiss India&#039;s nutritional crisis as a &amp;quot;hoax&amp;quot;. Just as reform critics see India&#039;s malnutrition statistics as an indictment of the reforms process, Panagariya&#039;s hypothesis of exaggerated malnutrition figures is seen as an exoneration of reforms.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;There are several problems with such arguments. First, the hypothesis that genetic differences could account for growth differences is a very old one, and one that has been repeatedly dismissed by several studies, including the one by the World Health Organization (WHO) which led to the introduction of new international growth norms in 2006.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;Second, while malnutrition sceptics emphasize India&#039;s higher child survival figures as compared to sub-Saharan Africa-where the proportion of underweight children is half that of India-they tend to ignore the higher proportion of low birth weights in India. As several studies by nutritionists show, the root of high malnutrition in India (and much of South Asia) lies in the low social status of women. Unhealthy mothers, in turn, give birth to low birth weight children, who turn malnourished. Third, although malnutrition does not always lead to death in India, it can still be quite dangerous. A growing body of evidence suggests that low birth weights of Asian children are related to obesity related disorders, much later in life.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;To be sure, it is true that eliminating the nutrition gap between India and the rest of the world may take several generations. But this is no reason to abandon international growth norms, nor does it imply a permanent &amp;quot;genetic difference&amp;quot;. Indeed, this gap should motivate India to redress gender inequities quicker, invest in cost-effective preventive health systems and reform her decaying nutrition institutions such as the Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS). Even if South Asian children were genetically predisposed to being smaller, it still does not explain why India should lag behind poorer neighbours such as Bangladesh and Nepal in nutritional outcomes.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;Finally, India&#039;s malnutrition figures must not be seen as an indictment of the reforms process; rather, they are an indictment of our unreformed public delivery systems, and of our long history of gender bias.&lt;/p&gt;&#039;,
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&lt;em&gt;Some commentators have gone so far as to dismiss India&#039;s nutritional crisis as a &amp;lsquo;hoax&#039; &lt;/em&gt;
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In a recent article, Columbia University economist Arvind Panagariya argued that India need not be ashamed of its malnutrition statistics as they are likely to be exaggerated.
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Panagariya&#039;s contention that international standards used to measure nutritional attainments of Indian children are inappropriate, as they fail to account for &amp;quot;genetic differences&amp;quot; seem to have found favour with other commentators, who have gone so far as to dismiss India&#039;s nutritional crisis as a &amp;quot;hoax&amp;quot;. Just as reform critics see India&#039;s malnutrition statistics as an indictment of the reforms process, Panagariya&#039;s hypothesis of exaggerated malnutrition figures is seen as an exoneration of reforms.
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There are several problems with such arguments. First, the hypothesis that genetic differences could account for growth differences is a very old one, and one that has been repeatedly dismissed by several studies, including the one by the World Health Organization (WHO) which led to the introduction of new international growth norms in 2006.
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Second, while malnutrition sceptics emphasize India&#039;s higher child survival figures as compared to sub-Saharan Africa-where the proportion of underweight children is half that of India-they tend to ignore the higher proportion of low birth weights in India. As several studies by nutritionists show, the root of high malnutrition in India (and much of South Asia) lies in the low social status of women. Unhealthy mothers, in turn, give birth to low birth weight children, who turn malnourished. Third, although malnutrition does not always lead to death in India, it can still be quite dangerous. A growing body of evidence suggests that low birth weights of Asian children are related to obesity related disorders, much later in life.
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Finally, India&#039;s malnutrition figures must not be seen as an indictment of the reforms process; rather, they are an indictment of our unreformed public delivery systems, and of our long history of gender bias.
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-Live Mint



Some commentators have gone so far as to dismiss India&#039;s nutritional crisis as a &amp;lsquo;hoax&#039; 


In a recent article, Columbia University economist Arvind Panagariya argued that India need not be ashamed of its malnutrition statistics as they are likely...&#039;
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-Live Mint



Some commentators have gone so far as to dismiss India's nutritional crisis as a &lsquo;hoax' 


In a recent article, Columbia University economist Arvind Panagariya argued that India need not be ashamed of its malnutrition statistics as they are likely..."/>
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                <strong>A nutritional crisis in India</strong></h1>
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                <div align="justify">-Live Mint</div><p align="justify"><br /><em>Some commentators have gone so far as to dismiss India's nutritional crisis as a &lsquo;hoax' </em></p><p align="justify">In a recent article, Columbia University economist Arvind Panagariya argued that India need not be ashamed of its malnutrition statistics as they are likely to be exaggerated.</p><p align="justify">Panagariya's contention that international standards used to measure nutritional attainments of Indian children are inappropriate, as they fail to account for &quot;genetic differences&quot; seem to have found favour with other commentators, who have gone so far as to dismiss India's nutritional crisis as a &quot;hoax&quot;. Just as reform critics see India's malnutrition statistics as an indictment of the reforms process, Panagariya's hypothesis of exaggerated malnutrition figures is seen as an exoneration of reforms.</p><p align="justify">There are several problems with such arguments. First, the hypothesis that genetic differences could account for growth differences is a very old one, and one that has been repeatedly dismissed by several studies, including the one by the World Health Organization (WHO) which led to the introduction of new international growth norms in 2006.</p><p align="justify">Second, while malnutrition sceptics emphasize India's higher child survival figures as compared to sub-Saharan Africa-where the proportion of underweight children is half that of India-they tend to ignore the higher proportion of low birth weights in India. As several studies by nutritionists show, the root of high malnutrition in India (and much of South Asia) lies in the low social status of women. Unhealthy mothers, in turn, give birth to low birth weight children, who turn malnourished. Third, although malnutrition does not always lead to death in India, it can still be quite dangerous. A growing body of evidence suggests that low birth weights of Asian children are related to obesity related disorders, much later in life.</p><p align="justify">To be sure, it is true that eliminating the nutrition gap between India and the rest of the world may take several generations. But this is no reason to abandon international growth norms, nor does it imply a permanent &quot;genetic difference&quot;. Indeed, this gap should motivate India to redress gender inequities quicker, invest in cost-effective preventive health systems and reform her decaying nutrition institutions such as the Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS). Even if South Asian children were genetically predisposed to being smaller, it still does not explain why India should lag behind poorer neighbours such as Bangladesh and Nepal in nutritional outcomes.</p><p align="justify">Finally, India's malnutrition figures must not be seen as an indictment of the reforms process; rather, they are an indictment of our unreformed public delivery systems, and of our long history of gender bias.</p>               </font>
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    <link rel="canonical" href="https://im4change.in/<pre class="cake-error"><a href="javascript:void(0);" onclick="document.getElementById('cakeErr67f94e0d42449-trace').style.display = (document.getElementById('cakeErr67f94e0d42449-trace').style.display == 'none' ? '' : 'none');"><b>Notice</b> (8)</a>: Undefined variable: urlPrefix [<b>APP/Template/Layout/printlayout.ctp</b>, line <b>8</b>]<div id="cakeErr67f94e0d42449-trace" class="cake-stack-trace" style="display: none;"><a href="javascript:void(0);" onclick="document.getElementById('cakeErr67f94e0d42449-code').style.display = (document.getElementById('cakeErr67f94e0d42449-code').style.display == 'none' ? '' : 'none')">Code</a> <a href="javascript:void(0);" onclick="document.getElementById('cakeErr67f94e0d42449-context').style.display = (document.getElementById('cakeErr67f94e0d42449-context').style.display == 'none' ? '' : 'none')">Context</a><pre id="cakeErr67f94e0d42449-code" class="cake-code-dump" style="display: none;"><code><span style="color: #000000"><span style="color: #0000BB"></span><span style="color: #007700">&lt;</span><span style="color: #0000BB">head</span><span style="color: #007700">&gt;
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-Live Mint
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&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;Some commentators have gone so far as to dismiss India&#039;s nutritional crisis as a &amp;lsquo;hoax&#039; &lt;/em&gt;
&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;
In a recent article, Columbia University economist Arvind Panagariya argued that India need not be ashamed of its malnutrition statistics as they are likely to be exaggerated.
&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;
Panagariya&#039;s contention that international standards used to measure nutritional attainments of Indian children are inappropriate, as they fail to account for &amp;quot;genetic differences&amp;quot; seem to have found favour with other commentators, who have gone so far as to dismiss India&#039;s nutritional crisis as a &amp;quot;hoax&amp;quot;. Just as reform critics see India&#039;s malnutrition statistics as an indictment of the reforms process, Panagariya&#039;s hypothesis of exaggerated malnutrition figures is seen as an exoneration of reforms.
&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;
There are several problems with such arguments. First, the hypothesis that genetic differences could account for growth differences is a very old one, and one that has been repeatedly dismissed by several studies, including the one by the World Health Organization (WHO) which led to the introduction of new international growth norms in 2006.
&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;
Second, while malnutrition sceptics emphasize India&#039;s higher child survival figures as compared to sub-Saharan Africa-where the proportion of underweight children is half that of India-they tend to ignore the higher proportion of low birth weights in India. As several studies by nutritionists show, the root of high malnutrition in India (and much of South Asia) lies in the low social status of women. Unhealthy mothers, in turn, give birth to low birth weight children, who turn malnourished. Third, although malnutrition does not always lead to death in India, it can still be quite dangerous. A growing body of evidence suggests that low birth weights of Asian children are related to obesity related disorders, much later in life.
&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;
To be sure, it is true that eliminating the nutrition gap between India and the rest of the world may take several generations. But this is no reason to abandon international growth norms, nor does it imply a permanent &amp;quot;genetic difference&amp;quot;. Indeed, this gap should motivate India to redress gender inequities quicker, invest in cost-effective preventive health systems and reform her decaying nutrition institutions such as the Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS). Even if South Asian children were genetically predisposed to being smaller, it still does not explain why India should lag behind poorer neighbours such as Bangladesh and Nepal in nutritional outcomes.
&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;
Finally, India&#039;s malnutrition figures must not be seen as an indictment of the reforms process; rather, they are an indictment of our unreformed public delivery systems, and of our long history of gender bias.
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-Live Mint



Some commentators have gone so far as to dismiss India&#039;s nutritional crisis as a &amp;lsquo;hoax&#039; 


In a recent article, Columbia University economist Arvind Panagariya argued that India need not be ashamed of its malnutrition statistics as they are likely...&#039;,
	&#039;disp&#039; =&gt; &#039;&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;-Live Mint&lt;/div&gt;&lt;p align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;Some commentators have gone so far as to dismiss India&#039;s nutritional crisis as a &amp;lsquo;hoax&#039; &lt;/em&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;In a recent article, Columbia University economist Arvind Panagariya argued that India need not be ashamed of its malnutrition statistics as they are likely to be exaggerated.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;Panagariya&#039;s contention that international standards used to measure nutritional attainments of Indian children are inappropriate, as they fail to account for &amp;quot;genetic differences&amp;quot; seem to have found favour with other commentators, who have gone so far as to dismiss India&#039;s nutritional crisis as a &amp;quot;hoax&amp;quot;. Just as reform critics see India&#039;s malnutrition statistics as an indictment of the reforms process, Panagariya&#039;s hypothesis of exaggerated malnutrition figures is seen as an exoneration of reforms.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;There are several problems with such arguments. First, the hypothesis that genetic differences could account for growth differences is a very old one, and one that has been repeatedly dismissed by several studies, including the one by the World Health Organization (WHO) which led to the introduction of new international growth norms in 2006.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;Second, while malnutrition sceptics emphasize India&#039;s higher child survival figures as compared to sub-Saharan Africa-where the proportion of underweight children is half that of India-they tend to ignore the higher proportion of low birth weights in India. As several studies by nutritionists show, the root of high malnutrition in India (and much of South Asia) lies in the low social status of women. Unhealthy mothers, in turn, give birth to low birth weight children, who turn malnourished. Third, although malnutrition does not always lead to death in India, it can still be quite dangerous. A growing body of evidence suggests that low birth weights of Asian children are related to obesity related disorders, much later in life.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;To be sure, it is true that eliminating the nutrition gap between India and the rest of the world may take several generations. But this is no reason to abandon international growth norms, nor does it imply a permanent &amp;quot;genetic difference&amp;quot;. Indeed, this gap should motivate India to redress gender inequities quicker, invest in cost-effective preventive health systems and reform her decaying nutrition institutions such as the Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS). Even if South Asian children were genetically predisposed to being smaller, it still does not explain why India should lag behind poorer neighbours such as Bangladesh and Nepal in nutritional outcomes.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;Finally, India&#039;s malnutrition figures must not be seen as an indictment of the reforms process; rather, they are an indictment of our unreformed public delivery systems, and of our long history of gender bias.&lt;/p&gt;&#039;,
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-Live Mint
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&lt;em&gt;Some commentators have gone so far as to dismiss India&#039;s nutritional crisis as a &amp;lsquo;hoax&#039; &lt;/em&gt;
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In a recent article, Columbia University economist Arvind Panagariya argued that India need not be ashamed of its malnutrition statistics as they are likely to be exaggerated.
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Panagariya&#039;s contention that international standards used to measure nutritional attainments of Indian children are inappropriate, as they fail to account for &amp;quot;genetic differences&amp;quot; seem to have found favour with other commentators, who have gone so far as to dismiss India&#039;s nutritional crisis as a &amp;quot;hoax&amp;quot;. Just as reform critics see India&#039;s malnutrition statistics as an indictment of the reforms process, Panagariya&#039;s hypothesis of exaggerated malnutrition figures is seen as an exoneration of reforms.
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There are several problems with such arguments. First, the hypothesis that genetic differences could account for growth differences is a very old one, and one that has been repeatedly dismissed by several studies, including the one by the World Health Organization (WHO) which led to the introduction of new international growth norms in 2006.
&lt;/p&gt;
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Second, while malnutrition sceptics emphasize India&#039;s higher child survival figures as compared to sub-Saharan Africa-where the proportion of underweight children is half that of India-they tend to ignore the higher proportion of low birth weights in India. As several studies by nutritionists show, the root of high malnutrition in India (and much of South Asia) lies in the low social status of women. Unhealthy mothers, in turn, give birth to low birth weight children, who turn malnourished. Third, although malnutrition does not always lead to death in India, it can still be quite dangerous. A growing body of evidence suggests that low birth weights of Asian children are related to obesity related disorders, much later in life.
&lt;/p&gt;
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To be sure, it is true that eliminating the nutrition gap between India and the rest of the world may take several generations. But this is no reason to abandon international growth norms, nor does it imply a permanent &amp;quot;genetic difference&amp;quot;. Indeed, this gap should motivate India to redress gender inequities quicker, invest in cost-effective preventive health systems and reform her decaying nutrition institutions such as the Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS). Even if South Asian children were genetically predisposed to being smaller, it still does not explain why India should lag behind poorer neighbours such as Bangladesh and Nepal in nutritional outcomes.
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Finally, India&#039;s malnutrition figures must not be seen as an indictment of the reforms process; rather, they are an indictment of our unreformed public delivery systems, and of our long history of gender bias.
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	&#039;credit_writer&#039; =&gt; &#039;Live Mint, 14 May, 2013, http://www.livemint.com/Opinion/vqYvLzUrAbmPJ66WRQxtEO/A-nutritional-crisis-in-India.html&#039;,
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Some commentators have gone so far as to dismiss India&#039;s nutritional crisis as a &amp;lsquo;hoax&#039; 


In a recent article, Columbia University economist Arvind Panagariya argued that India need not be ashamed of its malnutrition statistics as they are likely...&#039;
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-Live Mint



Some commentators have gone so far as to dismiss India's nutritional crisis as a &lsquo;hoax' 


In a recent article, Columbia University economist Arvind Panagariya argued that India need not be ashamed of its malnutrition statistics as they are likely..."/>
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                <strong>A nutritional crisis in India</strong></h1>
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                <div align="justify">-Live Mint</div><p align="justify"><br /><em>Some commentators have gone so far as to dismiss India's nutritional crisis as a &lsquo;hoax' </em></p><p align="justify">In a recent article, Columbia University economist Arvind Panagariya argued that India need not be ashamed of its malnutrition statistics as they are likely to be exaggerated.</p><p align="justify">Panagariya's contention that international standards used to measure nutritional attainments of Indian children are inappropriate, as they fail to account for &quot;genetic differences&quot; seem to have found favour with other commentators, who have gone so far as to dismiss India's nutritional crisis as a &quot;hoax&quot;. Just as reform critics see India's malnutrition statistics as an indictment of the reforms process, Panagariya's hypothesis of exaggerated malnutrition figures is seen as an exoneration of reforms.</p><p align="justify">There are several problems with such arguments. First, the hypothesis that genetic differences could account for growth differences is a very old one, and one that has been repeatedly dismissed by several studies, including the one by the World Health Organization (WHO) which led to the introduction of new international growth norms in 2006.</p><p align="justify">Second, while malnutrition sceptics emphasize India's higher child survival figures as compared to sub-Saharan Africa-where the proportion of underweight children is half that of India-they tend to ignore the higher proportion of low birth weights in India. As several studies by nutritionists show, the root of high malnutrition in India (and much of South Asia) lies in the low social status of women. Unhealthy mothers, in turn, give birth to low birth weight children, who turn malnourished. Third, although malnutrition does not always lead to death in India, it can still be quite dangerous. A growing body of evidence suggests that low birth weights of Asian children are related to obesity related disorders, much later in life.</p><p align="justify">To be sure, it is true that eliminating the nutrition gap between India and the rest of the world may take several generations. But this is no reason to abandon international growth norms, nor does it imply a permanent &quot;genetic difference&quot;. Indeed, this gap should motivate India to redress gender inequities quicker, invest in cost-effective preventive health systems and reform her decaying nutrition institutions such as the Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS). Even if South Asian children were genetically predisposed to being smaller, it still does not explain why India should lag behind poorer neighbours such as Bangladesh and Nepal in nutritional outcomes.</p><p align="justify">Finally, India's malnutrition figures must not be seen as an indictment of the reforms process; rather, they are an indictment of our unreformed public delivery systems, and of our long history of gender bias.</p>               </font>
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-Live Mint
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&lt;p align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;Some commentators have gone so far as to dismiss India&#039;s nutritional crisis as a &amp;lsquo;hoax&#039; &lt;/em&gt;
&lt;/p&gt;
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In a recent article, Columbia University economist Arvind Panagariya argued that India need not be ashamed of its malnutrition statistics as they are likely to be exaggerated.
&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;
Panagariya&#039;s contention that international standards used to measure nutritional attainments of Indian children are inappropriate, as they fail to account for &amp;quot;genetic differences&amp;quot; seem to have found favour with other commentators, who have gone so far as to dismiss India&#039;s nutritional crisis as a &amp;quot;hoax&amp;quot;. Just as reform critics see India&#039;s malnutrition statistics as an indictment of the reforms process, Panagariya&#039;s hypothesis of exaggerated malnutrition figures is seen as an exoneration of reforms.
&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;
There are several problems with such arguments. First, the hypothesis that genetic differences could account for growth differences is a very old one, and one that has been repeatedly dismissed by several studies, including the one by the World Health Organization (WHO) which led to the introduction of new international growth norms in 2006.
&lt;/p&gt;
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Second, while malnutrition sceptics emphasize India&#039;s higher child survival figures as compared to sub-Saharan Africa-where the proportion of underweight children is half that of India-they tend to ignore the higher proportion of low birth weights in India. As several studies by nutritionists show, the root of high malnutrition in India (and much of South Asia) lies in the low social status of women. Unhealthy mothers, in turn, give birth to low birth weight children, who turn malnourished. Third, although malnutrition does not always lead to death in India, it can still be quite dangerous. A growing body of evidence suggests that low birth weights of Asian children are related to obesity related disorders, much later in life.
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To be sure, it is true that eliminating the nutrition gap between India and the rest of the world may take several generations. But this is no reason to abandon international growth norms, nor does it imply a permanent &amp;quot;genetic difference&amp;quot;. Indeed, this gap should motivate India to redress gender inequities quicker, invest in cost-effective preventive health systems and reform her decaying nutrition institutions such as the Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS). Even if South Asian children were genetically predisposed to being smaller, it still does not explain why India should lag behind poorer neighbours such as Bangladesh and Nepal in nutritional outcomes.
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Finally, India&#039;s malnutrition figures must not be seen as an indictment of the reforms process; rather, they are an indictment of our unreformed public delivery systems, and of our long history of gender bias.
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-Live Mint



Some commentators have gone so far as to dismiss India&#039;s nutritional crisis as a &amp;lsquo;hoax&#039; 


In a recent article, Columbia University economist Arvind Panagariya argued that India need not be ashamed of its malnutrition statistics as they are likely...&#039;,
	&#039;disp&#039; =&gt; &#039;&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;-Live Mint&lt;/div&gt;&lt;p align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;Some commentators have gone so far as to dismiss India&#039;s nutritional crisis as a &amp;lsquo;hoax&#039; &lt;/em&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;In a recent article, Columbia University economist Arvind Panagariya argued that India need not be ashamed of its malnutrition statistics as they are likely to be exaggerated.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;Panagariya&#039;s contention that international standards used to measure nutritional attainments of Indian children are inappropriate, as they fail to account for &amp;quot;genetic differences&amp;quot; seem to have found favour with other commentators, who have gone so far as to dismiss India&#039;s nutritional crisis as a &amp;quot;hoax&amp;quot;. Just as reform critics see India&#039;s malnutrition statistics as an indictment of the reforms process, Panagariya&#039;s hypothesis of exaggerated malnutrition figures is seen as an exoneration of reforms.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;There are several problems with such arguments. First, the hypothesis that genetic differences could account for growth differences is a very old one, and one that has been repeatedly dismissed by several studies, including the one by the World Health Organization (WHO) which led to the introduction of new international growth norms in 2006.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;Second, while malnutrition sceptics emphasize India&#039;s higher child survival figures as compared to sub-Saharan Africa-where the proportion of underweight children is half that of India-they tend to ignore the higher proportion of low birth weights in India. As several studies by nutritionists show, the root of high malnutrition in India (and much of South Asia) lies in the low social status of women. Unhealthy mothers, in turn, give birth to low birth weight children, who turn malnourished. Third, although malnutrition does not always lead to death in India, it can still be quite dangerous. A growing body of evidence suggests that low birth weights of Asian children are related to obesity related disorders, much later in life.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;To be sure, it is true that eliminating the nutrition gap between India and the rest of the world may take several generations. But this is no reason to abandon international growth norms, nor does it imply a permanent &amp;quot;genetic difference&amp;quot;. Indeed, this gap should motivate India to redress gender inequities quicker, invest in cost-effective preventive health systems and reform her decaying nutrition institutions such as the Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS). Even if South Asian children were genetically predisposed to being smaller, it still does not explain why India should lag behind poorer neighbours such as Bangladesh and Nepal in nutritional outcomes.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;Finally, India&#039;s malnutrition figures must not be seen as an indictment of the reforms process; rather, they are an indictment of our unreformed public delivery systems, and of our long history of gender bias.&lt;/p&gt;&#039;,
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-Live Mint
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&lt;em&gt;Some commentators have gone so far as to dismiss India&#039;s nutritional crisis as a &amp;lsquo;hoax&#039; &lt;/em&gt;
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In a recent article, Columbia University economist Arvind Panagariya argued that India need not be ashamed of its malnutrition statistics as they are likely to be exaggerated.
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Panagariya&#039;s contention that international standards used to measure nutritional attainments of Indian children are inappropriate, as they fail to account for &amp;quot;genetic differences&amp;quot; seem to have found favour with other commentators, who have gone so far as to dismiss India&#039;s nutritional crisis as a &amp;quot;hoax&amp;quot;. Just as reform critics see India&#039;s malnutrition statistics as an indictment of the reforms process, Panagariya&#039;s hypothesis of exaggerated malnutrition figures is seen as an exoneration of reforms.
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There are several problems with such arguments. First, the hypothesis that genetic differences could account for growth differences is a very old one, and one that has been repeatedly dismissed by several studies, including the one by the World Health Organization (WHO) which led to the introduction of new international growth norms in 2006.
&lt;/p&gt;
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Second, while malnutrition sceptics emphasize India&#039;s higher child survival figures as compared to sub-Saharan Africa-where the proportion of underweight children is half that of India-they tend to ignore the higher proportion of low birth weights in India. As several studies by nutritionists show, the root of high malnutrition in India (and much of South Asia) lies in the low social status of women. Unhealthy mothers, in turn, give birth to low birth weight children, who turn malnourished. Third, although malnutrition does not always lead to death in India, it can still be quite dangerous. A growing body of evidence suggests that low birth weights of Asian children are related to obesity related disorders, much later in life.
&lt;/p&gt;
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To be sure, it is true that eliminating the nutrition gap between India and the rest of the world may take several generations. But this is no reason to abandon international growth norms, nor does it imply a permanent &amp;quot;genetic difference&amp;quot;. Indeed, this gap should motivate India to redress gender inequities quicker, invest in cost-effective preventive health systems and reform her decaying nutrition institutions such as the Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS). Even if South Asian children were genetically predisposed to being smaller, it still does not explain why India should lag behind poorer neighbours such as Bangladesh and Nepal in nutritional outcomes.
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Finally, India&#039;s malnutrition figures must not be seen as an indictment of the reforms process; rather, they are an indictment of our unreformed public delivery systems, and of our long history of gender bias.
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-Live Mint



Some commentators have gone so far as to dismiss India&#039;s nutritional crisis as a &amp;lsquo;hoax&#039; 


In a recent article, Columbia University economist Arvind Panagariya argued that India need not be ashamed of its malnutrition statistics as they are likely...&#039;
$disp = &#039;&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;-Live Mint&lt;/div&gt;&lt;p align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;Some commentators have gone so far as to dismiss India&#039;s nutritional crisis as a &amp;lsquo;hoax&#039; &lt;/em&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;In a recent article, Columbia University economist Arvind Panagariya argued that India need not be ashamed of its malnutrition statistics as they are likely to be exaggerated.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;Panagariya&#039;s contention that international standards used to measure nutritional attainments of Indian children are inappropriate, as they fail to account for &amp;quot;genetic differences&amp;quot; seem to have found favour with other commentators, who have gone so far as to dismiss India&#039;s nutritional crisis as a &amp;quot;hoax&amp;quot;. Just as reform critics see India&#039;s malnutrition statistics as an indictment of the reforms process, Panagariya&#039;s hypothesis of exaggerated malnutrition figures is seen as an exoneration of reforms.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;There are several problems with such arguments. First, the hypothesis that genetic differences could account for growth differences is a very old one, and one that has been repeatedly dismissed by several studies, including the one by the World Health Organization (WHO) which led to the introduction of new international growth norms in 2006.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;Second, while malnutrition sceptics emphasize India&#039;s higher child survival figures as compared to sub-Saharan Africa-where the proportion of underweight children is half that of India-they tend to ignore the higher proportion of low birth weights in India. As several studies by nutritionists show, the root of high malnutrition in India (and much of South Asia) lies in the low social status of women. Unhealthy mothers, in turn, give birth to low birth weight children, who turn malnourished. Third, although malnutrition does not always lead to death in India, it can still be quite dangerous. A growing body of evidence suggests that low birth weights of Asian children are related to obesity related disorders, much later in life.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;To be sure, it is true that eliminating the nutrition gap between India and the rest of the world may take several generations. But this is no reason to abandon international growth norms, nor does it imply a permanent &amp;quot;genetic difference&amp;quot;. Indeed, this gap should motivate India to redress gender inequities quicker, invest in cost-effective preventive health systems and reform her decaying nutrition institutions such as the Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS). Even if South Asian children were genetically predisposed to being smaller, it still does not explain why India should lag behind poorer neighbours such as Bangladesh and Nepal in nutritional outcomes.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;Finally, India&#039;s malnutrition figures must not be seen as an indictment of the reforms process; rather, they are an indictment of our unreformed public delivery systems, and of our long history of gender bias.&lt;/p&gt;&#039;
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Some commentators have gone so far as to dismiss India's nutritional crisis as a &lsquo;hoax' 


In a recent article, Columbia University economist Arvind Panagariya argued that India need not be ashamed of its malnutrition statistics as they are likely..."/>
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                <strong>A nutritional crisis in India</strong></h1>
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                <div align="justify">-Live Mint</div><p align="justify"><br /><em>Some commentators have gone so far as to dismiss India's nutritional crisis as a &lsquo;hoax' </em></p><p align="justify">In a recent article, Columbia University economist Arvind Panagariya argued that India need not be ashamed of its malnutrition statistics as they are likely to be exaggerated.</p><p align="justify">Panagariya's contention that international standards used to measure nutritional attainments of Indian children are inappropriate, as they fail to account for &quot;genetic differences&quot; seem to have found favour with other commentators, who have gone so far as to dismiss India's nutritional crisis as a &quot;hoax&quot;. Just as reform critics see India's malnutrition statistics as an indictment of the reforms process, Panagariya's hypothesis of exaggerated malnutrition figures is seen as an exoneration of reforms.</p><p align="justify">There are several problems with such arguments. First, the hypothesis that genetic differences could account for growth differences is a very old one, and one that has been repeatedly dismissed by several studies, including the one by the World Health Organization (WHO) which led to the introduction of new international growth norms in 2006.</p><p align="justify">Second, while malnutrition sceptics emphasize India's higher child survival figures as compared to sub-Saharan Africa-where the proportion of underweight children is half that of India-they tend to ignore the higher proportion of low birth weights in India. As several studies by nutritionists show, the root of high malnutrition in India (and much of South Asia) lies in the low social status of women. Unhealthy mothers, in turn, give birth to low birth weight children, who turn malnourished. Third, although malnutrition does not always lead to death in India, it can still be quite dangerous. A growing body of evidence suggests that low birth weights of Asian children are related to obesity related disorders, much later in life.</p><p align="justify">To be sure, it is true that eliminating the nutrition gap between India and the rest of the world may take several generations. But this is no reason to abandon international growth norms, nor does it imply a permanent &quot;genetic difference&quot;. Indeed, this gap should motivate India to redress gender inequities quicker, invest in cost-effective preventive health systems and reform her decaying nutrition institutions such as the Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS). Even if South Asian children were genetically predisposed to being smaller, it still does not explain why India should lag behind poorer neighbours such as Bangladesh and Nepal in nutritional outcomes.</p><p align="justify">Finally, India's malnutrition figures must not be seen as an indictment of the reforms process; rather, they are an indictment of our unreformed public delivery systems, and of our long history of gender bias.</p>               </font>
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-Live Mint
</div>
<p align="justify">
<br />
<em>Some commentators have gone so far as to dismiss India's nutritional crisis as a &lsquo;hoax' </em>
</p>
<p align="justify">
In a recent article, Columbia University economist Arvind Panagariya argued that India need not be ashamed of its malnutrition statistics as they are likely to be exaggerated.
</p>
<p align="justify">
Panagariya's contention that international standards used to measure nutritional attainments of Indian children are inappropriate, as they fail to account for &quot;genetic differences&quot; seem to have found favour with other commentators, who have gone so far as to dismiss India's nutritional crisis as a &quot;hoax&quot;. Just as reform critics see India's malnutrition statistics as an indictment of the reforms process, Panagariya's hypothesis of exaggerated malnutrition figures is seen as an exoneration of reforms.
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<p align="justify">
There are several problems with such arguments. First, the hypothesis that genetic differences could account for growth differences is a very old one, and one that has been repeatedly dismissed by several studies, including the one by the World Health Organization (WHO) which led to the introduction of new international growth norms in 2006.
</p>
<p align="justify">
Second, while malnutrition sceptics emphasize India's higher child survival figures as compared to sub-Saharan Africa-where the proportion of underweight children is half that of India-they tend to ignore the higher proportion of low birth weights in India. As several studies by nutritionists show, the root of high malnutrition in India (and much of South Asia) lies in the low social status of women. Unhealthy mothers, in turn, give birth to low birth weight children, who turn malnourished. Third, although malnutrition does not always lead to death in India, it can still be quite dangerous. A growing body of evidence suggests that low birth weights of Asian children are related to obesity related disorders, much later in life.
</p>
<p align="justify">
To be sure, it is true that eliminating the nutrition gap between India and the rest of the world may take several generations. But this is no reason to abandon international growth norms, nor does it imply a permanent &quot;genetic difference&quot;. Indeed, this gap should motivate India to redress gender inequities quicker, invest in cost-effective preventive health systems and reform her decaying nutrition institutions such as the Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS). Even if South Asian children were genetically predisposed to being smaller, it still does not explain why India should lag behind poorer neighbours such as Bangladesh and Nepal in nutritional outcomes.
</p>
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Finally, India's malnutrition figures must not be seen as an indictment of the reforms process; rather, they are an indictment of our unreformed public delivery systems, and of our long history of gender bias.
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-Live Mint



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In a recent article, Columbia University economist Arvind Panagariya argued that India need not be ashamed of its malnutrition statistics as they are likely...',
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<br />
<em>Some commentators have gone so far as to dismiss India's nutritional crisis as a &lsquo;hoax' </em>
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<p align="justify">
In a recent article, Columbia University economist Arvind Panagariya argued that India need not be ashamed of its malnutrition statistics as they are likely to be exaggerated.
</p>
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Panagariya's contention that international standards used to measure nutritional attainments of Indian children are inappropriate, as they fail to account for &quot;genetic differences&quot; seem to have found favour with other commentators, who have gone so far as to dismiss India's nutritional crisis as a &quot;hoax&quot;. Just as reform critics see India's malnutrition statistics as an indictment of the reforms process, Panagariya's hypothesis of exaggerated malnutrition figures is seen as an exoneration of reforms.
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<p align="justify">
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</p>
<p align="justify">
To be sure, it is true that eliminating the nutrition gap between India and the rest of the world may take several generations. But this is no reason to abandon international growth norms, nor does it imply a permanent &quot;genetic difference&quot;. Indeed, this gap should motivate India to redress gender inequities quicker, invest in cost-effective preventive health systems and reform her decaying nutrition institutions such as the Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS). Even if South Asian children were genetically predisposed to being smaller, it still does not explain why India should lag behind poorer neighbours such as Bangladesh and Nepal in nutritional outcomes.
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Finally, India's malnutrition figures must not be seen as an indictment of the reforms process; rather, they are an indictment of our unreformed public delivery systems, and of our long history of gender bias.
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-Live Mint



Some commentators have gone so far as to dismiss India's nutritional crisis as a &lsquo;hoax' 


In a recent article, Columbia University economist Arvind Panagariya argued that India need not be ashamed of its malnutrition statistics as they are likely...'
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A nutritional crisis in India

-Live Mint Some commentators have gone so far as to dismiss India's nutritional crisis as a ‘hoax' In a recent article, Columbia University economist Arvind Panagariya argued that India need not be ashamed of its malnutrition statistics as they are likely to be exaggerated. Panagariya's contention that international standards used to measure nutritional attainments of Indian children are inappropriate, as they fail to account for "genetic differences" seem to have found favour with other commentators, who have gone so far as to dismiss India's nutritional crisis as a "hoax". Just as reform critics see India's malnutrition statistics as an indictment of the reforms process, Panagariya's hypothesis of exaggerated malnutrition figures is seen as an exoneration of reforms. There are several problems with such arguments. First, the hypothesis that genetic differences could account for growth differences is a very old one, and one that has been repeatedly dismissed by several studies, including the one by the World Health Organization (WHO) which led to the introduction of new international growth norms in 2006. Second, while malnutrition sceptics emphasize India's higher child survival figures as compared to sub-Saharan Africa-where the proportion of underweight children is half that of India-they tend to ignore the higher proportion of low birth weights in India. As several studies by nutritionists show, the root of high malnutrition in India (and much of South Asia) lies in the low social status of women. Unhealthy mothers, in turn, give birth to low birth weight children, who turn malnourished. Third, although malnutrition does not always lead to death in India, it can still be quite dangerous. A growing body of evidence suggests that low birth weights of Asian children are related to obesity related disorders, much later in life. To be sure, it is true that eliminating the nutrition gap between India and the rest of the world may take several generations. But this is no reason to abandon international growth norms, nor does it imply a permanent "genetic difference". Indeed, this gap should motivate India to redress gender inequities quicker, invest in cost-effective preventive health systems and reform her decaying nutrition institutions such as the Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS). Even if South Asian children were genetically predisposed to being smaller, it still does not explain why India should lag behind poorer neighbours such as Bangladesh and Nepal in nutritional outcomes. Finally, India's malnutrition figures must not be seen as an indictment of the reforms process; rather, they are an indictment of our unreformed public delivery systems, and of our long history of gender bias.