Deprecated (16384): The ArrayAccess methods will be removed in 4.0.0.Use getParam(), getData() and getQuery() instead. - /home/brlfuser/public_html/src/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line: 73
 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php. [CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311]
Code Context


        trigger_error($message, E_USER_DEPRECATED);

    }
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 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php.'
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deprecationWarning - CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311
Cake\Http\ServerRequest::offsetGet() - CORE/src/Http/ServerRequest.php, line 2421
App\Controller\ArtileDetailController::printArticle() - APP/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line 73
Cake\Controller\Controller::invokeAction() - CORE/src/Controller/Controller.php, line 610
Cake\Http\ActionDispatcher::_invoke() - CORE/src/Http/ActionDispatcher.php, line 120
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Cake\Http\BaseApplication::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/BaseApplication.php, line 235
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
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Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
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Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Error\Middleware\ErrorHandlerMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Error/Middleware/ErrorHandlerMiddleware.php, line 96
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Http\Runner::run() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 51
Cake\Http\Server::run() - CORE/src/Http/Server.php, line 98

Deprecated (16384): The ArrayAccess methods will be removed in 4.0.0.Use getParam(), getData() and getQuery() instead. - /home/brlfuser/public_html/src/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line: 74
 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php. [CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311]
Code Context


        trigger_error($message, E_USER_DEPRECATED);

    }
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 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php.'
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deprecationWarning - CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311
Cake\Http\ServerRequest::offsetGet() - CORE/src/Http/ServerRequest.php, line 2421
App\Controller\ArtileDetailController::printArticle() - APP/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line 74
Cake\Controller\Controller::invokeAction() - CORE/src/Controller/Controller.php, line 610
Cake\Http\ActionDispatcher::_invoke() - CORE/src/Http/ActionDispatcher.php, line 120
Cake\Http\ActionDispatcher::dispatch() - CORE/src/Http/ActionDispatcher.php, line 94
Cake\Http\BaseApplication::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/BaseApplication.php, line 235
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Routing\Middleware\RoutingMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Routing/Middleware/RoutingMiddleware.php, line 162
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Routing\Middleware\AssetMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Routing/Middleware/AssetMiddleware.php, line 88
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Error\Middleware\ErrorHandlerMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Error/Middleware/ErrorHandlerMiddleware.php, line 96
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Http\Runner::run() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 51
Cake\Http\Server::run() - CORE/src/Http/Server.php, line 98

Warning (512): Unable to emit headers. Headers sent in file=/home/brlfuser/public_html/vendor/cakephp/cakephp/src/Error/Debugger.php line=853 [CORE/src/Http/ResponseEmitter.php, line 48]
Code Context
            if (Configure::read('debug')) {

                trigger_error($message, E_USER_WARNING);

            } else {
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-The Hindu&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;Instead of addressing inequality, the 10% quota for economically weaker sections creates huge anxieties&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
If the number of demands for implementing reforms is any guide, India&amp;rsquo;s reservation system is clearly in disarray. However, it is unlikely that the recently passed Constitution (124th Amendment) Bill, 2019, creating a 10% quota for the economically weaker sections (EWS), will serve as anything more than a band-aid.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Given the deep inequalities prevalent in access to education and jobs based on caste and socio-economic status, affirmative action (or positive discrimination) makes a lot of sense. However, the system that was put in place during the early years of the Republic deserves serious re-evaluation in an era when technology has paved the way for deploying a better equipped arsenal. Here I present an evaluation of the potential implications of the EWS quota Bill, followed by some alternatives.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;Excluding no one&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
The Bill promises 10% reservation to individuals classified as economically backward. However, while a number of criteria were discussed in the parliamentary debate, the Bill is quite silent on this. Assuming that among the criteria discussed in Parliament, those that are currently applied to the definition of the Other Backward Classes (OBC) creamy layer are the ones to be used, it is not clear how useful they would be. While the OBC creamy layer has been created to exclude people who are clearly well off, the EWS quota, in contrast, is expected to focus on the poor. One of the criteria &amp;mdash; the income threshold of ?8 lakh per annum &amp;mdash; has been mentioned. The National Sample Survey (NSS) of 2011-12 shows that the annual per capita expenditure for 99% of households falls under this threshold, even when we take inflation into account. Similarly, as per the India Human Development Survey (IHDS), the annual household incomes of 98% of households are less than ?8 lakh. Even if we apply all the other criteria for exclusion (e.g. amount of land owned and size of home), the Bill would still cover over 95% of the households. So, who are we excluding? Almost no one.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/a-solution-in-search-of-a-problem/article25962037.ece?homepage=true&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to access.&lt;br /&gt;
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-The Hindu

Instead of addressing inequality, the 10% quota for economically weaker sections creates huge anxieties

If the number of demands for implementing reforms is any guide, India&amp;rsquo;s reservation system is clearly in disarray. However, it is unlikely that the recently passed...&#039;,
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&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;Instead of addressing inequality, the 10% quota for economically weaker sections creates huge anxieties&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
If the number of demands for implementing reforms is any guide, India&amp;rsquo;s reservation system is clearly in disarray. However, it is unlikely that the recently passed Constitution (124th Amendment) Bill, 2019, creating a 10% quota for the economically weaker sections (EWS), will serve as anything more than a band-aid.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Given the deep inequalities prevalent in access to education and jobs based on caste and socio-economic status, affirmative action (or positive discrimination) makes a lot of sense. However, the system that was put in place during the early years of the Republic deserves serious re-evaluation in an era when technology has paved the way for deploying a better equipped arsenal. Here I present an evaluation of the potential implications of the EWS quota Bill, followed by some alternatives.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;Excluding no one&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
The Bill promises 10% reservation to individuals classified as economically backward. However, while a number of criteria were discussed in the parliamentary debate, the Bill is quite silent on this. Assuming that among the criteria discussed in Parliament, those that are currently applied to the definition of the Other Backward Classes (OBC) creamy layer are the ones to be used, it is not clear how useful they would be. While the OBC creamy layer has been created to exclude people who are clearly well off, the EWS quota, in contrast, is expected to focus on the poor. One of the criteria &amp;mdash; the income threshold of ?8 lakh per annum &amp;mdash; has been mentioned. The National Sample Survey (NSS) of 2011-12 shows that the annual per capita expenditure for 99% of households falls under this threshold, even when we take inflation into account. Similarly, as per the India Human Development Survey (IHDS), the annual household incomes of 98% of households are less than ?8 lakh. Even if we apply all the other criteria for exclusion (e.g. amount of land owned and size of home), the Bill would still cover over 95% of the households. So, who are we excluding? Almost no one.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/a-solution-in-search-of-a-problem/article25962037.ece?homepage=true&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to access.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
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Instead of addressing inequality, the 10% quota for economically weaker sections creates huge anxieties

If the number of demands for implementing reforms is any guide, India&amp;rsquo;s reservation system is clearly in disarray. However, it is unlikely that the recently passed...&#039;
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-The Hindu

Instead of addressing inequality, the 10% quota for economically weaker sections creates huge anxieties

If the number of demands for implementing reforms is any guide, India&rsquo;s reservation system is clearly in disarray. However, it is unlikely that the recently passed..."/>
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                <strong>A solution in search of a problem: on 10% reservations -Sonalde Desai</strong></h1>
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                <div align="justify">-The Hindu<br /><br /><em>Instead of addressing inequality, the 10% quota for economically weaker sections creates huge anxieties<br /></em><br />If the number of demands for implementing reforms is any guide, India&rsquo;s reservation system is clearly in disarray. However, it is unlikely that the recently passed Constitution (124th Amendment) Bill, 2019, creating a 10% quota for the economically weaker sections (EWS), will serve as anything more than a band-aid.<br /><br />Given the deep inequalities prevalent in access to education and jobs based on caste and socio-economic status, affirmative action (or positive discrimination) makes a lot of sense. However, the system that was put in place during the early years of the Republic deserves serious re-evaluation in an era when technology has paved the way for deploying a better equipped arsenal. Here I present an evaluation of the potential implications of the EWS quota Bill, followed by some alternatives.<br /><br /><em>Excluding no one<br /></em><br />The Bill promises 10% reservation to individuals classified as economically backward. However, while a number of criteria were discussed in the parliamentary debate, the Bill is quite silent on this. Assuming that among the criteria discussed in Parliament, those that are currently applied to the definition of the Other Backward Classes (OBC) creamy layer are the ones to be used, it is not clear how useful they would be. While the OBC creamy layer has been created to exclude people who are clearly well off, the EWS quota, in contrast, is expected to focus on the poor. One of the criteria &mdash; the income threshold of ?8 lakh per annum &mdash; has been mentioned. The National Sample Survey (NSS) of 2011-12 shows that the annual per capita expenditure for 99% of households falls under this threshold, even when we take inflation into account. Similarly, as per the India Human Development Survey (IHDS), the annual household incomes of 98% of households are less than ?8 lakh. Even if we apply all the other criteria for exclusion (e.g. amount of land owned and size of home), the Bill would still cover over 95% of the households. So, who are we excluding? Almost no one.<br /><br />Please <a href="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/a-solution-in-search-of-a-problem/article25962037.ece?homepage=true" title="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/a-solution-in-search-of-a-problem/article25962037.ece?homepage=true">click here</a> to access.<br /><br /></div>               </font>
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&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;Instead of addressing inequality, the 10% quota for economically weaker sections creates huge anxieties&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
If the number of demands for implementing reforms is any guide, India&amp;rsquo;s reservation system is clearly in disarray. However, it is unlikely that the recently passed Constitution (124th Amendment) Bill, 2019, creating a 10% quota for the economically weaker sections (EWS), will serve as anything more than a band-aid.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Given the deep inequalities prevalent in access to education and jobs based on caste and socio-economic status, affirmative action (or positive discrimination) makes a lot of sense. However, the system that was put in place during the early years of the Republic deserves serious re-evaluation in an era when technology has paved the way for deploying a better equipped arsenal. Here I present an evaluation of the potential implications of the EWS quota Bill, followed by some alternatives.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;Excluding no one&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
The Bill promises 10% reservation to individuals classified as economically backward. However, while a number of criteria were discussed in the parliamentary debate, the Bill is quite silent on this. Assuming that among the criteria discussed in Parliament, those that are currently applied to the definition of the Other Backward Classes (OBC) creamy layer are the ones to be used, it is not clear how useful they would be. While the OBC creamy layer has been created to exclude people who are clearly well off, the EWS quota, in contrast, is expected to focus on the poor. One of the criteria &amp;mdash; the income threshold of ?8 lakh per annum &amp;mdash; has been mentioned. The National Sample Survey (NSS) of 2011-12 shows that the annual per capita expenditure for 99% of households falls under this threshold, even when we take inflation into account. Similarly, as per the India Human Development Survey (IHDS), the annual household incomes of 98% of households are less than ?8 lakh. Even if we apply all the other criteria for exclusion (e.g. amount of land owned and size of home), the Bill would still cover over 95% of the households. So, who are we excluding? Almost no one.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/a-solution-in-search-of-a-problem/article25962037.ece?homepage=true&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to access.&lt;br /&gt;
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Instead of addressing inequality, the 10% quota for economically weaker sections creates huge anxieties

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&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;Instead of addressing inequality, the 10% quota for economically weaker sections creates huge anxieties&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
If the number of demands for implementing reforms is any guide, India&amp;rsquo;s reservation system is clearly in disarray. However, it is unlikely that the recently passed Constitution (124th Amendment) Bill, 2019, creating a 10% quota for the economically weaker sections (EWS), will serve as anything more than a band-aid.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Given the deep inequalities prevalent in access to education and jobs based on caste and socio-economic status, affirmative action (or positive discrimination) makes a lot of sense. However, the system that was put in place during the early years of the Republic deserves serious re-evaluation in an era when technology has paved the way for deploying a better equipped arsenal. Here I present an evaluation of the potential implications of the EWS quota Bill, followed by some alternatives.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;Excluding no one&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
The Bill promises 10% reservation to individuals classified as economically backward. However, while a number of criteria were discussed in the parliamentary debate, the Bill is quite silent on this. Assuming that among the criteria discussed in Parliament, those that are currently applied to the definition of the Other Backward Classes (OBC) creamy layer are the ones to be used, it is not clear how useful they would be. While the OBC creamy layer has been created to exclude people who are clearly well off, the EWS quota, in contrast, is expected to focus on the poor. One of the criteria &amp;mdash; the income threshold of ?8 lakh per annum &amp;mdash; has been mentioned. The National Sample Survey (NSS) of 2011-12 shows that the annual per capita expenditure for 99% of households falls under this threshold, even when we take inflation into account. Similarly, as per the India Human Development Survey (IHDS), the annual household incomes of 98% of households are less than ?8 lakh. Even if we apply all the other criteria for exclusion (e.g. amount of land owned and size of home), the Bill would still cover over 95% of the households. So, who are we excluding? Almost no one.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/a-solution-in-search-of-a-problem/article25962037.ece?homepage=true&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to access.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
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Instead of addressing inequality, the 10% quota for economically weaker sections creates huge anxieties

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-The Hindu

Instead of addressing inequality, the 10% quota for economically weaker sections creates huge anxieties

If the number of demands for implementing reforms is any guide, India&rsquo;s reservation system is clearly in disarray. However, it is unlikely that the recently passed..."/>
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                <strong>A solution in search of a problem: on 10% reservations -Sonalde Desai</strong></h1>
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                <div align="justify">-The Hindu<br /><br /><em>Instead of addressing inequality, the 10% quota for economically weaker sections creates huge anxieties<br /></em><br />If the number of demands for implementing reforms is any guide, India&rsquo;s reservation system is clearly in disarray. However, it is unlikely that the recently passed Constitution (124th Amendment) Bill, 2019, creating a 10% quota for the economically weaker sections (EWS), will serve as anything more than a band-aid.<br /><br />Given the deep inequalities prevalent in access to education and jobs based on caste and socio-economic status, affirmative action (or positive discrimination) makes a lot of sense. However, the system that was put in place during the early years of the Republic deserves serious re-evaluation in an era when technology has paved the way for deploying a better equipped arsenal. Here I present an evaluation of the potential implications of the EWS quota Bill, followed by some alternatives.<br /><br /><em>Excluding no one<br /></em><br />The Bill promises 10% reservation to individuals classified as economically backward. However, while a number of criteria were discussed in the parliamentary debate, the Bill is quite silent on this. Assuming that among the criteria discussed in Parliament, those that are currently applied to the definition of the Other Backward Classes (OBC) creamy layer are the ones to be used, it is not clear how useful they would be. While the OBC creamy layer has been created to exclude people who are clearly well off, the EWS quota, in contrast, is expected to focus on the poor. One of the criteria &mdash; the income threshold of ?8 lakh per annum &mdash; has been mentioned. The National Sample Survey (NSS) of 2011-12 shows that the annual per capita expenditure for 99% of households falls under this threshold, even when we take inflation into account. Similarly, as per the India Human Development Survey (IHDS), the annual household incomes of 98% of households are less than ?8 lakh. Even if we apply all the other criteria for exclusion (e.g. amount of land owned and size of home), the Bill would still cover over 95% of the households. So, who are we excluding? Almost no one.<br /><br />Please <a href="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/a-solution-in-search-of-a-problem/article25962037.ece?homepage=true" title="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/a-solution-in-search-of-a-problem/article25962037.ece?homepage=true">click here</a> to access.<br /><br /></div>               </font>
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-The Hindu&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;Instead of addressing inequality, the 10% quota for economically weaker sections creates huge anxieties&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
If the number of demands for implementing reforms is any guide, India&amp;rsquo;s reservation system is clearly in disarray. However, it is unlikely that the recently passed Constitution (124th Amendment) Bill, 2019, creating a 10% quota for the economically weaker sections (EWS), will serve as anything more than a band-aid.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Given the deep inequalities prevalent in access to education and jobs based on caste and socio-economic status, affirmative action (or positive discrimination) makes a lot of sense. However, the system that was put in place during the early years of the Republic deserves serious re-evaluation in an era when technology has paved the way for deploying a better equipped arsenal. Here I present an evaluation of the potential implications of the EWS quota Bill, followed by some alternatives.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;Excluding no one&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
The Bill promises 10% reservation to individuals classified as economically backward. However, while a number of criteria were discussed in the parliamentary debate, the Bill is quite silent on this. Assuming that among the criteria discussed in Parliament, those that are currently applied to the definition of the Other Backward Classes (OBC) creamy layer are the ones to be used, it is not clear how useful they would be. While the OBC creamy layer has been created to exclude people who are clearly well off, the EWS quota, in contrast, is expected to focus on the poor. One of the criteria &amp;mdash; the income threshold of ?8 lakh per annum &amp;mdash; has been mentioned. The National Sample Survey (NSS) of 2011-12 shows that the annual per capita expenditure for 99% of households falls under this threshold, even when we take inflation into account. Similarly, as per the India Human Development Survey (IHDS), the annual household incomes of 98% of households are less than ?8 lakh. Even if we apply all the other criteria for exclusion (e.g. amount of land owned and size of home), the Bill would still cover over 95% of the households. So, who are we excluding? Almost no one.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/a-solution-in-search-of-a-problem/article25962037.ece?homepage=true&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to access.&lt;br /&gt;
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Instead of addressing inequality, the 10% quota for economically weaker sections creates huge anxieties

If the number of demands for implementing reforms is any guide, India&amp;rsquo;s reservation system is clearly in disarray. However, it is unlikely that the recently passed...&#039;,
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&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;Instead of addressing inequality, the 10% quota for economically weaker sections creates huge anxieties&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
If the number of demands for implementing reforms is any guide, India&amp;rsquo;s reservation system is clearly in disarray. However, it is unlikely that the recently passed Constitution (124th Amendment) Bill, 2019, creating a 10% quota for the economically weaker sections (EWS), will serve as anything more than a band-aid.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Given the deep inequalities prevalent in access to education and jobs based on caste and socio-economic status, affirmative action (or positive discrimination) makes a lot of sense. However, the system that was put in place during the early years of the Republic deserves serious re-evaluation in an era when technology has paved the way for deploying a better equipped arsenal. Here I present an evaluation of the potential implications of the EWS quota Bill, followed by some alternatives.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;Excluding no one&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
The Bill promises 10% reservation to individuals classified as economically backward. However, while a number of criteria were discussed in the parliamentary debate, the Bill is quite silent on this. Assuming that among the criteria discussed in Parliament, those that are currently applied to the definition of the Other Backward Classes (OBC) creamy layer are the ones to be used, it is not clear how useful they would be. While the OBC creamy layer has been created to exclude people who are clearly well off, the EWS quota, in contrast, is expected to focus on the poor. One of the criteria &amp;mdash; the income threshold of ?8 lakh per annum &amp;mdash; has been mentioned. The National Sample Survey (NSS) of 2011-12 shows that the annual per capita expenditure for 99% of households falls under this threshold, even when we take inflation into account. Similarly, as per the India Human Development Survey (IHDS), the annual household incomes of 98% of households are less than ?8 lakh. Even if we apply all the other criteria for exclusion (e.g. amount of land owned and size of home), the Bill would still cover over 95% of the households. So, who are we excluding? Almost no one.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/a-solution-in-search-of-a-problem/article25962037.ece?homepage=true&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to access.&lt;br /&gt;
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Instead of addressing inequality, the 10% quota for economically weaker sections creates huge anxieties

If the number of demands for implementing reforms is any guide, India&amp;rsquo;s reservation system is clearly in disarray. However, it is unlikely that the recently passed...&#039;
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-The Hindu

Instead of addressing inequality, the 10% quota for economically weaker sections creates huge anxieties

If the number of demands for implementing reforms is any guide, India&rsquo;s reservation system is clearly in disarray. However, it is unlikely that the recently passed..."/>
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                <strong>A solution in search of a problem: on 10% reservations -Sonalde Desai</strong></h1>
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                <div align="justify">-The Hindu<br /><br /><em>Instead of addressing inequality, the 10% quota for economically weaker sections creates huge anxieties<br /></em><br />If the number of demands for implementing reforms is any guide, India&rsquo;s reservation system is clearly in disarray. However, it is unlikely that the recently passed Constitution (124th Amendment) Bill, 2019, creating a 10% quota for the economically weaker sections (EWS), will serve as anything more than a band-aid.<br /><br />Given the deep inequalities prevalent in access to education and jobs based on caste and socio-economic status, affirmative action (or positive discrimination) makes a lot of sense. However, the system that was put in place during the early years of the Republic deserves serious re-evaluation in an era when technology has paved the way for deploying a better equipped arsenal. Here I present an evaluation of the potential implications of the EWS quota Bill, followed by some alternatives.<br /><br /><em>Excluding no one<br /></em><br />The Bill promises 10% reservation to individuals classified as economically backward. However, while a number of criteria were discussed in the parliamentary debate, the Bill is quite silent on this. Assuming that among the criteria discussed in Parliament, those that are currently applied to the definition of the Other Backward Classes (OBC) creamy layer are the ones to be used, it is not clear how useful they would be. While the OBC creamy layer has been created to exclude people who are clearly well off, the EWS quota, in contrast, is expected to focus on the poor. One of the criteria &mdash; the income threshold of ?8 lakh per annum &mdash; has been mentioned. The National Sample Survey (NSS) of 2011-12 shows that the annual per capita expenditure for 99% of households falls under this threshold, even when we take inflation into account. Similarly, as per the India Human Development Survey (IHDS), the annual household incomes of 98% of households are less than ?8 lakh. Even if we apply all the other criteria for exclusion (e.g. amount of land owned and size of home), the Bill would still cover over 95% of the households. So, who are we excluding? Almost no one.<br /><br />Please <a href="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/a-solution-in-search-of-a-problem/article25962037.ece?homepage=true" title="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/a-solution-in-search-of-a-problem/article25962037.ece?homepage=true">click here</a> to access.<br /><br /></div>               </font>
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-The Hindu<br />
<br />
<em>Instead of addressing inequality, the 10% quota for economically weaker sections creates huge anxieties<br />
</em><br />
If the number of demands for implementing reforms is any guide, India&rsquo;s reservation system is clearly in disarray. However, it is unlikely that the recently passed Constitution (124th Amendment) Bill, 2019, creating a 10% quota for the economically weaker sections (EWS), will serve as anything more than a band-aid.<br />
<br />
Given the deep inequalities prevalent in access to education and jobs based on caste and socio-economic status, affirmative action (or positive discrimination) makes a lot of sense. However, the system that was put in place during the early years of the Republic deserves serious re-evaluation in an era when technology has paved the way for deploying a better equipped arsenal. Here I present an evaluation of the potential implications of the EWS quota Bill, followed by some alternatives.<br />
<br />
<em>Excluding no one<br />
</em><br />
The Bill promises 10% reservation to individuals classified as economically backward. However, while a number of criteria were discussed in the parliamentary debate, the Bill is quite silent on this. Assuming that among the criteria discussed in Parliament, those that are currently applied to the definition of the Other Backward Classes (OBC) creamy layer are the ones to be used, it is not clear how useful they would be. While the OBC creamy layer has been created to exclude people who are clearly well off, the EWS quota, in contrast, is expected to focus on the poor. One of the criteria &mdash; the income threshold of ?8 lakh per annum &mdash; has been mentioned. The National Sample Survey (NSS) of 2011-12 shows that the annual per capita expenditure for 99% of households falls under this threshold, even when we take inflation into account. Similarly, as per the India Human Development Survey (IHDS), the annual household incomes of 98% of households are less than ?8 lakh. Even if we apply all the other criteria for exclusion (e.g. amount of land owned and size of home), the Bill would still cover over 95% of the households. So, who are we excluding? Almost no one.<br />
<br />
Please <a href="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/a-solution-in-search-of-a-problem/article25962037.ece?homepage=true">click here</a> to access.<br />
<br />
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-The Hindu<br />
<br />
<em>Instead of addressing inequality, the 10% quota for economically weaker sections creates huge anxieties<br />
</em><br />
If the number of demands for implementing reforms is any guide, India&rsquo;s reservation system is clearly in disarray. However, it is unlikely that the recently passed Constitution (124th Amendment) Bill, 2019, creating a 10% quota for the economically weaker sections (EWS), will serve as anything more than a band-aid.<br />
<br />
Given the deep inequalities prevalent in access to education and jobs based on caste and socio-economic status, affirmative action (or positive discrimination) makes a lot of sense. However, the system that was put in place during the early years of the Republic deserves serious re-evaluation in an era when technology has paved the way for deploying a better equipped arsenal. Here I present an evaluation of the potential implications of the EWS quota Bill, followed by some alternatives.<br />
<br />
<em>Excluding no one<br />
</em><br />
The Bill promises 10% reservation to individuals classified as economically backward. However, while a number of criteria were discussed in the parliamentary debate, the Bill is quite silent on this. Assuming that among the criteria discussed in Parliament, those that are currently applied to the definition of the Other Backward Classes (OBC) creamy layer are the ones to be used, it is not clear how useful they would be. While the OBC creamy layer has been created to exclude people who are clearly well off, the EWS quota, in contrast, is expected to focus on the poor. One of the criteria &mdash; the income threshold of ?8 lakh per annum &mdash; has been mentioned. The National Sample Survey (NSS) of 2011-12 shows that the annual per capita expenditure for 99% of households falls under this threshold, even when we take inflation into account. Similarly, as per the India Human Development Survey (IHDS), the annual household incomes of 98% of households are less than ?8 lakh. Even if we apply all the other criteria for exclusion (e.g. amount of land owned and size of home), the Bill would still cover over 95% of the households. So, who are we excluding? Almost no one.<br />
<br />
Please <a href="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/a-solution-in-search-of-a-problem/article25962037.ece?homepage=true">click here</a> to access.<br />
<br />
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Instead of addressing inequality, the 10% quota for economically weaker sections creates huge anxieties

If the number of demands for implementing reforms is any guide, India&rsquo;s reservation system is clearly in disarray. However, it is unlikely that the recently passed...'
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A solution in search of a problem: on 10% reservations -Sonalde Desai

-The Hindu Instead of addressing inequality, the 10% quota for economically weaker sections creates huge anxieties If the number of demands for implementing reforms is any guide, India’s reservation system is clearly in disarray. However, it is unlikely that the recently passed Constitution (124th Amendment) Bill, 2019, creating a 10% quota for the economically weaker sections (EWS), will serve as anything more than a band-aid. Given the deep inequalities prevalent in access to education and jobs based on caste and socio-economic status, affirmative action (or positive discrimination) makes a lot of sense. However, the system that was put in place during the early years of the Republic deserves serious re-evaluation in an era when technology has paved the way for deploying a better equipped arsenal. Here I present an evaluation of the potential implications of the EWS quota Bill, followed by some alternatives. Excluding no one The Bill promises 10% reservation to individuals classified as economically backward. However, while a number of criteria were discussed in the parliamentary debate, the Bill is quite silent on this. Assuming that among the criteria discussed in Parliament, those that are currently applied to the definition of the Other Backward Classes (OBC) creamy layer are the ones to be used, it is not clear how useful they would be. While the OBC creamy layer has been created to exclude people who are clearly well off, the EWS quota, in contrast, is expected to focus on the poor. One of the criteria — the income threshold of ?8 lakh per annum — has been mentioned. The National Sample Survey (NSS) of 2011-12 shows that the annual per capita expenditure for 99% of households falls under this threshold, even when we take inflation into account. Similarly, as per the India Human Development Survey (IHDS), the annual household incomes of 98% of households are less than ?8 lakh. Even if we apply all the other criteria for exclusion (e.g. amount of land owned and size of home), the Bill would still cover over 95% of the households. So, who are we excluding? Almost no one. Please click here to access.