Deprecated (16384): The ArrayAccess methods will be removed in 4.0.0.Use getParam(), getData() and getQuery() instead. - /home/brlfuser/public_html/src/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line: 73
 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php. [CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311]
Code Context


        trigger_error($message, E_USER_DEPRECATED);

    }
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 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php.'
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deprecationWarning - CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311
Cake\Http\ServerRequest::offsetGet() - CORE/src/Http/ServerRequest.php, line 2421
App\Controller\ArtileDetailController::printArticle() - APP/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line 73
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Cake\Http\ActionDispatcher::_invoke() - CORE/src/Http/ActionDispatcher.php, line 120
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Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Error\Middleware\ErrorHandlerMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Error/Middleware/ErrorHandlerMiddleware.php, line 96
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Http\Runner::run() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 51
Cake\Http\Server::run() - CORE/src/Http/Server.php, line 98

Deprecated (16384): The ArrayAccess methods will be removed in 4.0.0.Use getParam(), getData() and getQuery() instead. - /home/brlfuser/public_html/src/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line: 74
 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php. [CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311]
Code Context


        trigger_error($message, E_USER_DEPRECATED);

    }
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 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php.'
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deprecationWarning - CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311
Cake\Http\ServerRequest::offsetGet() - CORE/src/Http/ServerRequest.php, line 2421
App\Controller\ArtileDetailController::printArticle() - APP/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line 74
Cake\Controller\Controller::invokeAction() - CORE/src/Controller/Controller.php, line 610
Cake\Http\ActionDispatcher::_invoke() - CORE/src/Http/ActionDispatcher.php, line 120
Cake\Http\ActionDispatcher::dispatch() - CORE/src/Http/ActionDispatcher.php, line 94
Cake\Http\BaseApplication::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/BaseApplication.php, line 235
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Routing\Middleware\RoutingMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Routing/Middleware/RoutingMiddleware.php, line 162
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Routing\Middleware\AssetMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Routing/Middleware/AssetMiddleware.php, line 88
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Error\Middleware\ErrorHandlerMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Error/Middleware/ErrorHandlerMiddleware.php, line 96
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Http\Runner::run() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 51
Cake\Http\Server::run() - CORE/src/Http/Server.php, line 98

Warning (512): Unable to emit headers. Headers sent in file=/home/brlfuser/public_html/vendor/cakephp/cakephp/src/Error/Debugger.php line=853 [CORE/src/Http/ResponseEmitter.php, line 48]
Code Context
            if (Configure::read('debug')) {

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		&#039;title&#039; =&gt; &#039;Are India’s labour laws too restrictive? -Suresh Seshadri&#039;,
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		&#039;description&#039; =&gt; &#039;&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;-The Hindu&lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;&lt;em&gt;For employers, availability of skilled workforce and worker-management ties are more vital&lt;/em&gt;&lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;Some State governments including Uttar Pradesh (U.P.) and Madhya Pradesh (M.P.) have proposed ordinances to exempt manufacturing establishments from the purview of most labour laws. In a discussion moderated by Suresh Seshadri, Amit Basole (Associate Professor of Economics, Azim Premji Unversity, Bengaluru) and K.R. Shyam Sundar (Professor of Human Resource Management, XLRI, Jamshedpur) look at the backdrop for this move and consider what lies ahead for the country&amp;rsquo;s labour and industrial relations. Edited excerpts:&lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;&lt;em&gt;* Are the ordinances justified given the need to both preserve and create jobs in the wake of the COVID-19 crisis?&lt;/em&gt;&lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;K.R. Shyam Sundar: First, let me express my profound sense of shock [at the] changes or even disruptions that M.P. and U.P. governments have introduced on the pretext of creating employment and attracting investment. This is a very dangerous kind of political legitimacy that has been invoked.&lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;There are three issues here. The Constitution provides a number of basic rights, and, under the directive principles of state policy, a number of assurances. Now, the kind of changes that have been made, they potentially will hurt, will dis-enable the realisation of the constitutional objectives. Second, the facility of the concurrent subject has been abused. And, we should bear in mind that the national codification and the labour law reform process is on. What is the unholy hurry on the part of the State governments to do this? But, I have an explanation: given the COVID situation and the national lockdown, the trade unions that are already weak cannot mobilise their forces and conduct any kind of a State-level or national struggle. This is a clear case of vulnerability, which the state has exploited.&lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;Now, whether the labour laws constitute rigidities, the answer, in a cautious sense, is &amp;lsquo;indecisive&amp;rsquo; because there are research studies on both sides. The World Bank survey, 2014, asked employers... and the employers did not rate labour law regulations as [among] the top five or seven or 10 irritants. For them, the availability of skilled workforce and cooperative labour-management relations were far more important than flexible labour laws. So, the gravest implication of these labour laws [changes] is that it will create industrial discontent, even a kind of labour unrest, which will stifle any hope of achieving industrial progress. And, employers will not benefit because these provisions will hurt labour welfare and thereby labour efficiency.&lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/are-indias-labour-laws-too-restrictive/article31585617.ece?homepage=true&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more.&lt;/p&gt;
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For employers, availability of skilled workforce and worker-management ties are more vital

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&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;Some State governments including Uttar Pradesh (U.P.) and Madhya Pradesh (M.P.) have proposed ordinances to exempt manufacturing establishments from the purview of most labour laws. In a discussion moderated by Suresh Seshadri, Amit Basole (Associate Professor of Economics, Azim Premji Unversity, Bengaluru) and K.R. Shyam Sundar (Professor of Human Resource Management, XLRI, Jamshedpur) look at the backdrop for this move and consider what lies ahead for the country&amp;rsquo;s labour and industrial relations. Edited excerpts:&lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;&lt;em&gt;* Are the ordinances justified given the need to both preserve and create jobs in the wake of the COVID-19 crisis?&lt;/em&gt;&lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;K.R. Shyam Sundar: First, let me express my profound sense of shock [at the] changes or even disruptions that M.P. and U.P. governments have introduced on the pretext of creating employment and attracting investment. This is a very dangerous kind of political legitimacy that has been invoked.&lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;There are three issues here. The Constitution provides a number of basic rights, and, under the directive principles of state policy, a number of assurances. Now, the kind of changes that have been made, they potentially will hurt, will dis-enable the realisation of the constitutional objectives. Second, the facility of the concurrent subject has been abused. And, we should bear in mind that the national codification and the labour law reform process is on. What is the unholy hurry on the part of the State governments to do this? But, I have an explanation: given the COVID situation and the national lockdown, the trade unions that are already weak cannot mobilise their forces and conduct any kind of a State-level or national struggle. This is a clear case of vulnerability, which the state has exploited.&lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;Now, whether the labour laws constitute rigidities, the answer, in a cautious sense, is &amp;lsquo;indecisive&amp;rsquo; because there are research studies on both sides. The World Bank survey, 2014, asked employers... and the employers did not rate labour law regulations as [among] the top five or seven or 10 irritants. For them, the availability of skilled workforce and cooperative labour-management relations were far more important than flexible labour laws. So, the gravest implication of these labour laws [changes] is that it will create industrial discontent, even a kind of labour unrest, which will stifle any hope of achieving industrial progress. And, employers will not benefit because these provisions will hurt labour welfare and thereby labour efficiency.&lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/are-indias-labour-laws-too-restrictive/article31585617.ece?homepage=true&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more.&lt;/p&gt;
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For employers, availability of skilled workforce and worker-management ties are more vital

Some State governments including Uttar Pradesh (U.P.) and Madhya Pradesh (M.P.) have proposed ordinances to exempt manufacturing establishments from the purview of most labour laws. In a discussion...&#039;
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For employers, availability of skilled workforce and worker-management ties are more vital

Some State governments including Uttar Pradesh (U.P.) and Madhya Pradesh (M.P.) have proposed ordinances to exempt manufacturing establishments from the purview of most labour laws. In a discussion..."/>
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                <p style="text-align:justify">-The Hindu</p><p style="text-align:justify"><em>For employers, availability of skilled workforce and worker-management ties are more vital</em></p><p style="text-align:justify">Some State governments including Uttar Pradesh (U.P.) and Madhya Pradesh (M.P.) have proposed ordinances to exempt manufacturing establishments from the purview of most labour laws. In a discussion moderated by Suresh Seshadri, Amit Basole (Associate Professor of Economics, Azim Premji Unversity, Bengaluru) and K.R. Shyam Sundar (Professor of Human Resource Management, XLRI, Jamshedpur) look at the backdrop for this move and consider what lies ahead for the country&rsquo;s labour and industrial relations. Edited excerpts:</p><p style="text-align:justify"><em>* Are the ordinances justified given the need to both preserve and create jobs in the wake of the COVID-19 crisis?</em></p><p style="text-align:justify">K.R. Shyam Sundar: First, let me express my profound sense of shock [at the] changes or even disruptions that M.P. and U.P. governments have introduced on the pretext of creating employment and attracting investment. This is a very dangerous kind of political legitimacy that has been invoked.</p><p style="text-align:justify">There are three issues here. The Constitution provides a number of basic rights, and, under the directive principles of state policy, a number of assurances. Now, the kind of changes that have been made, they potentially will hurt, will dis-enable the realisation of the constitutional objectives. Second, the facility of the concurrent subject has been abused. And, we should bear in mind that the national codification and the labour law reform process is on. What is the unholy hurry on the part of the State governments to do this? But, I have an explanation: given the COVID situation and the national lockdown, the trade unions that are already weak cannot mobilise their forces and conduct any kind of a State-level or national struggle. This is a clear case of vulnerability, which the state has exploited.</p><p style="text-align:justify">Now, whether the labour laws constitute rigidities, the answer, in a cautious sense, is &lsquo;indecisive&rsquo; because there are research studies on both sides. The World Bank survey, 2014, asked employers... and the employers did not rate labour law regulations as [among] the top five or seven or 10 irritants. For them, the availability of skilled workforce and cooperative labour-management relations were far more important than flexible labour laws. So, the gravest implication of these labour laws [changes] is that it will create industrial discontent, even a kind of labour unrest, which will stifle any hope of achieving industrial progress. And, employers will not benefit because these provisions will hurt labour welfare and thereby labour efficiency.</p><p style="text-align:justify">Please <a href="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/are-indias-labour-laws-too-restrictive/article31585617.ece?homepage=true" title="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/are-indias-labour-laws-too-restrictive/article31585617.ece?homepage=true">click here</a> to read more.</p>               </font>
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&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;&lt;em&gt;For employers, availability of skilled workforce and worker-management ties are more vital&lt;/em&gt;&lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;Some State governments including Uttar Pradesh (U.P.) and Madhya Pradesh (M.P.) have proposed ordinances to exempt manufacturing establishments from the purview of most labour laws. In a discussion moderated by Suresh Seshadri, Amit Basole (Associate Professor of Economics, Azim Premji Unversity, Bengaluru) and K.R. Shyam Sundar (Professor of Human Resource Management, XLRI, Jamshedpur) look at the backdrop for this move and consider what lies ahead for the country&amp;rsquo;s labour and industrial relations. Edited excerpts:&lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;&lt;em&gt;* Are the ordinances justified given the need to both preserve and create jobs in the wake of the COVID-19 crisis?&lt;/em&gt;&lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;K.R. Shyam Sundar: First, let me express my profound sense of shock [at the] changes or even disruptions that M.P. and U.P. governments have introduced on the pretext of creating employment and attracting investment. This is a very dangerous kind of political legitimacy that has been invoked.&lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;There are three issues here. The Constitution provides a number of basic rights, and, under the directive principles of state policy, a number of assurances. Now, the kind of changes that have been made, they potentially will hurt, will dis-enable the realisation of the constitutional objectives. Second, the facility of the concurrent subject has been abused. And, we should bear in mind that the national codification and the labour law reform process is on. What is the unholy hurry on the part of the State governments to do this? But, I have an explanation: given the COVID situation and the national lockdown, the trade unions that are already weak cannot mobilise their forces and conduct any kind of a State-level or national struggle. This is a clear case of vulnerability, which the state has exploited.&lt;/p&gt;

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&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/are-indias-labour-laws-too-restrictive/article31585617.ece?homepage=true&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more.&lt;/p&gt;
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&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;There are three issues here. The Constitution provides a number of basic rights, and, under the directive principles of state policy, a number of assurances. Now, the kind of changes that have been made, they potentially will hurt, will dis-enable the realisation of the constitutional objectives. Second, the facility of the concurrent subject has been abused. And, we should bear in mind that the national codification and the labour law reform process is on. What is the unholy hurry on the part of the State governments to do this? But, I have an explanation: given the COVID situation and the national lockdown, the trade unions that are already weak cannot mobilise their forces and conduct any kind of a State-level or national struggle. This is a clear case of vulnerability, which the state has exploited.&lt;/p&gt;

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For employers, availability of skilled workforce and worker-management ties are more vital

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                <strong>Are India’s labour laws too restrictive? -Suresh Seshadri</strong></h1>
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                <p style="text-align:justify">-The Hindu</p><p style="text-align:justify"><em>For employers, availability of skilled workforce and worker-management ties are more vital</em></p><p style="text-align:justify">Some State governments including Uttar Pradesh (U.P.) and Madhya Pradesh (M.P.) have proposed ordinances to exempt manufacturing establishments from the purview of most labour laws. In a discussion moderated by Suresh Seshadri, Amit Basole (Associate Professor of Economics, Azim Premji Unversity, Bengaluru) and K.R. Shyam Sundar (Professor of Human Resource Management, XLRI, Jamshedpur) look at the backdrop for this move and consider what lies ahead for the country&rsquo;s labour and industrial relations. Edited excerpts:</p><p style="text-align:justify"><em>* Are the ordinances justified given the need to both preserve and create jobs in the wake of the COVID-19 crisis?</em></p><p style="text-align:justify">K.R. Shyam Sundar: First, let me express my profound sense of shock [at the] changes or even disruptions that M.P. and U.P. governments have introduced on the pretext of creating employment and attracting investment. This is a very dangerous kind of political legitimacy that has been invoked.</p><p style="text-align:justify">There are three issues here. The Constitution provides a number of basic rights, and, under the directive principles of state policy, a number of assurances. Now, the kind of changes that have been made, they potentially will hurt, will dis-enable the realisation of the constitutional objectives. Second, the facility of the concurrent subject has been abused. And, we should bear in mind that the national codification and the labour law reform process is on. What is the unholy hurry on the part of the State governments to do this? But, I have an explanation: given the COVID situation and the national lockdown, the trade unions that are already weak cannot mobilise their forces and conduct any kind of a State-level or national struggle. This is a clear case of vulnerability, which the state has exploited.</p><p style="text-align:justify">Now, whether the labour laws constitute rigidities, the answer, in a cautious sense, is &lsquo;indecisive&rsquo; because there are research studies on both sides. The World Bank survey, 2014, asked employers... and the employers did not rate labour law regulations as [among] the top five or seven or 10 irritants. For them, the availability of skilled workforce and cooperative labour-management relations were far more important than flexible labour laws. So, the gravest implication of these labour laws [changes] is that it will create industrial discontent, even a kind of labour unrest, which will stifle any hope of achieving industrial progress. And, employers will not benefit because these provisions will hurt labour welfare and thereby labour efficiency.</p><p style="text-align:justify">Please <a href="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/are-indias-labour-laws-too-restrictive/article31585617.ece?homepage=true" title="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/are-indias-labour-laws-too-restrictive/article31585617.ece?homepage=true">click here</a> to read more.</p>               </font>
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&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;&lt;em&gt;For employers, availability of skilled workforce and worker-management ties are more vital&lt;/em&gt;&lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;Some State governments including Uttar Pradesh (U.P.) and Madhya Pradesh (M.P.) have proposed ordinances to exempt manufacturing establishments from the purview of most labour laws. In a discussion moderated by Suresh Seshadri, Amit Basole (Associate Professor of Economics, Azim Premji Unversity, Bengaluru) and K.R. Shyam Sundar (Professor of Human Resource Management, XLRI, Jamshedpur) look at the backdrop for this move and consider what lies ahead for the country&amp;rsquo;s labour and industrial relations. Edited excerpts:&lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;&lt;em&gt;* Are the ordinances justified given the need to both preserve and create jobs in the wake of the COVID-19 crisis?&lt;/em&gt;&lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;K.R. Shyam Sundar: First, let me express my profound sense of shock [at the] changes or even disruptions that M.P. and U.P. governments have introduced on the pretext of creating employment and attracting investment. This is a very dangerous kind of political legitimacy that has been invoked.&lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;There are three issues here. The Constitution provides a number of basic rights, and, under the directive principles of state policy, a number of assurances. Now, the kind of changes that have been made, they potentially will hurt, will dis-enable the realisation of the constitutional objectives. Second, the facility of the concurrent subject has been abused. And, we should bear in mind that the national codification and the labour law reform process is on. What is the unholy hurry on the part of the State governments to do this? But, I have an explanation: given the COVID situation and the national lockdown, the trade unions that are already weak cannot mobilise their forces and conduct any kind of a State-level or national struggle. This is a clear case of vulnerability, which the state has exploited.&lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;Now, whether the labour laws constitute rigidities, the answer, in a cautious sense, is &amp;lsquo;indecisive&amp;rsquo; because there are research studies on both sides. The World Bank survey, 2014, asked employers... and the employers did not rate labour law regulations as [among] the top five or seven or 10 irritants. For them, the availability of skilled workforce and cooperative labour-management relations were far more important than flexible labour laws. So, the gravest implication of these labour laws [changes] is that it will create industrial discontent, even a kind of labour unrest, which will stifle any hope of achieving industrial progress. And, employers will not benefit because these provisions will hurt labour welfare and thereby labour efficiency.&lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/are-indias-labour-laws-too-restrictive/article31585617.ece?homepage=true&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more.&lt;/p&gt;
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For employers, availability of skilled workforce and worker-management ties are more vital

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&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;&lt;em&gt;For employers, availability of skilled workforce and worker-management ties are more vital&lt;/em&gt;&lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;Some State governments including Uttar Pradesh (U.P.) and Madhya Pradesh (M.P.) have proposed ordinances to exempt manufacturing establishments from the purview of most labour laws. In a discussion moderated by Suresh Seshadri, Amit Basole (Associate Professor of Economics, Azim Premji Unversity, Bengaluru) and K.R. Shyam Sundar (Professor of Human Resource Management, XLRI, Jamshedpur) look at the backdrop for this move and consider what lies ahead for the country&amp;rsquo;s labour and industrial relations. Edited excerpts:&lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;&lt;em&gt;* Are the ordinances justified given the need to both preserve and create jobs in the wake of the COVID-19 crisis?&lt;/em&gt;&lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;K.R. Shyam Sundar: First, let me express my profound sense of shock [at the] changes or even disruptions that M.P. and U.P. governments have introduced on the pretext of creating employment and attracting investment. This is a very dangerous kind of political legitimacy that has been invoked.&lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;There are three issues here. The Constitution provides a number of basic rights, and, under the directive principles of state policy, a number of assurances. Now, the kind of changes that have been made, they potentially will hurt, will dis-enable the realisation of the constitutional objectives. Second, the facility of the concurrent subject has been abused. And, we should bear in mind that the national codification and the labour law reform process is on. What is the unholy hurry on the part of the State governments to do this? But, I have an explanation: given the COVID situation and the national lockdown, the trade unions that are already weak cannot mobilise their forces and conduct any kind of a State-level or national struggle. This is a clear case of vulnerability, which the state has exploited.&lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;Now, whether the labour laws constitute rigidities, the answer, in a cautious sense, is &amp;lsquo;indecisive&amp;rsquo; because there are research studies on both sides. The World Bank survey, 2014, asked employers... and the employers did not rate labour law regulations as [among] the top five or seven or 10 irritants. For them, the availability of skilled workforce and cooperative labour-management relations were far more important than flexible labour laws. So, the gravest implication of these labour laws [changes] is that it will create industrial discontent, even a kind of labour unrest, which will stifle any hope of achieving industrial progress. And, employers will not benefit because these provisions will hurt labour welfare and thereby labour efficiency.&lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/are-indias-labour-laws-too-restrictive/article31585617.ece?homepage=true&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more.&lt;/p&gt;
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For employers, availability of skilled workforce and worker-management ties are more vital

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For employers, availability of skilled workforce and worker-management ties are more vital

Some State governments including Uttar Pradesh (U.P.) and Madhya Pradesh (M.P.) have proposed ordinances to exempt manufacturing establishments from the purview of most labour laws. In a discussion..."/>
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                <strong>Are India’s labour laws too restrictive? -Suresh Seshadri</strong></h1>
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                <p style="text-align:justify">-The Hindu</p><p style="text-align:justify"><em>For employers, availability of skilled workforce and worker-management ties are more vital</em></p><p style="text-align:justify">Some State governments including Uttar Pradesh (U.P.) and Madhya Pradesh (M.P.) have proposed ordinances to exempt manufacturing establishments from the purview of most labour laws. In a discussion moderated by Suresh Seshadri, Amit Basole (Associate Professor of Economics, Azim Premji Unversity, Bengaluru) and K.R. Shyam Sundar (Professor of Human Resource Management, XLRI, Jamshedpur) look at the backdrop for this move and consider what lies ahead for the country&rsquo;s labour and industrial relations. Edited excerpts:</p><p style="text-align:justify"><em>* Are the ordinances justified given the need to both preserve and create jobs in the wake of the COVID-19 crisis?</em></p><p style="text-align:justify">K.R. Shyam Sundar: First, let me express my profound sense of shock [at the] changes or even disruptions that M.P. and U.P. governments have introduced on the pretext of creating employment and attracting investment. This is a very dangerous kind of political legitimacy that has been invoked.</p><p style="text-align:justify">There are three issues here. The Constitution provides a number of basic rights, and, under the directive principles of state policy, a number of assurances. Now, the kind of changes that have been made, they potentially will hurt, will dis-enable the realisation of the constitutional objectives. Second, the facility of the concurrent subject has been abused. And, we should bear in mind that the national codification and the labour law reform process is on. What is the unholy hurry on the part of the State governments to do this? But, I have an explanation: given the COVID situation and the national lockdown, the trade unions that are already weak cannot mobilise their forces and conduct any kind of a State-level or national struggle. This is a clear case of vulnerability, which the state has exploited.</p><p style="text-align:justify">Now, whether the labour laws constitute rigidities, the answer, in a cautious sense, is &lsquo;indecisive&rsquo; because there are research studies on both sides. The World Bank survey, 2014, asked employers... and the employers did not rate labour law regulations as [among] the top five or seven or 10 irritants. For them, the availability of skilled workforce and cooperative labour-management relations were far more important than flexible labour laws. So, the gravest implication of these labour laws [changes] is that it will create industrial discontent, even a kind of labour unrest, which will stifle any hope of achieving industrial progress. And, employers will not benefit because these provisions will hurt labour welfare and thereby labour efficiency.</p><p style="text-align:justify">Please <a href="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/are-indias-labour-laws-too-restrictive/article31585617.ece?homepage=true" title="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/are-indias-labour-laws-too-restrictive/article31585617.ece?homepage=true">click here</a> to read more.</p>               </font>
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<p style="text-align:justify"><em>For employers, availability of skilled workforce and worker-management ties are more vital</em></p>

<p style="text-align:justify">Some State governments including Uttar Pradesh (U.P.) and Madhya Pradesh (M.P.) have proposed ordinances to exempt manufacturing establishments from the purview of most labour laws. In a discussion moderated by Suresh Seshadri, Amit Basole (Associate Professor of Economics, Azim Premji Unversity, Bengaluru) and K.R. Shyam Sundar (Professor of Human Resource Management, XLRI, Jamshedpur) look at the backdrop for this move and consider what lies ahead for the country&rsquo;s labour and industrial relations. Edited excerpts:</p>

<p style="text-align:justify"><em>* Are the ordinances justified given the need to both preserve and create jobs in the wake of the COVID-19 crisis?</em></p>

<p style="text-align:justify">K.R. Shyam Sundar: First, let me express my profound sense of shock [at the] changes or even disruptions that M.P. and U.P. governments have introduced on the pretext of creating employment and attracting investment. This is a very dangerous kind of political legitimacy that has been invoked.</p>

<p style="text-align:justify">There are three issues here. The Constitution provides a number of basic rights, and, under the directive principles of state policy, a number of assurances. Now, the kind of changes that have been made, they potentially will hurt, will dis-enable the realisation of the constitutional objectives. Second, the facility of the concurrent subject has been abused. And, we should bear in mind that the national codification and the labour law reform process is on. What is the unholy hurry on the part of the State governments to do this? But, I have an explanation: given the COVID situation and the national lockdown, the trade unions that are already weak cannot mobilise their forces and conduct any kind of a State-level or national struggle. This is a clear case of vulnerability, which the state has exploited.</p>

<p style="text-align:justify">Now, whether the labour laws constitute rigidities, the answer, in a cautious sense, is &lsquo;indecisive&rsquo; because there are research studies on both sides. The World Bank survey, 2014, asked employers... and the employers did not rate labour law regulations as [among] the top five or seven or 10 irritants. For them, the availability of skilled workforce and cooperative labour-management relations were far more important than flexible labour laws. So, the gravest implication of these labour laws [changes] is that it will create industrial discontent, even a kind of labour unrest, which will stifle any hope of achieving industrial progress. And, employers will not benefit because these provisions will hurt labour welfare and thereby labour efficiency.</p>

<p style="text-align:justify">Please <a href="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/are-indias-labour-laws-too-restrictive/article31585617.ece?homepage=true">click here</a> to read more.</p>
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<p style="text-align:justify"><em>For employers, availability of skilled workforce and worker-management ties are more vital</em></p>

<p style="text-align:justify">Some State governments including Uttar Pradesh (U.P.) and Madhya Pradesh (M.P.) have proposed ordinances to exempt manufacturing establishments from the purview of most labour laws. In a discussion moderated by Suresh Seshadri, Amit Basole (Associate Professor of Economics, Azim Premji Unversity, Bengaluru) and K.R. Shyam Sundar (Professor of Human Resource Management, XLRI, Jamshedpur) look at the backdrop for this move and consider what lies ahead for the country&rsquo;s labour and industrial relations. Edited excerpts:</p>

<p style="text-align:justify"><em>* Are the ordinances justified given the need to both preserve and create jobs in the wake of the COVID-19 crisis?</em></p>

<p style="text-align:justify">K.R. Shyam Sundar: First, let me express my profound sense of shock [at the] changes or even disruptions that M.P. and U.P. governments have introduced on the pretext of creating employment and attracting investment. This is a very dangerous kind of political legitimacy that has been invoked.</p>

<p style="text-align:justify">There are three issues here. The Constitution provides a number of basic rights, and, under the directive principles of state policy, a number of assurances. Now, the kind of changes that have been made, they potentially will hurt, will dis-enable the realisation of the constitutional objectives. Second, the facility of the concurrent subject has been abused. And, we should bear in mind that the national codification and the labour law reform process is on. What is the unholy hurry on the part of the State governments to do this? But, I have an explanation: given the COVID situation and the national lockdown, the trade unions that are already weak cannot mobilise their forces and conduct any kind of a State-level or national struggle. This is a clear case of vulnerability, which the state has exploited.</p>

<p style="text-align:justify">Now, whether the labour laws constitute rigidities, the answer, in a cautious sense, is &lsquo;indecisive&rsquo; because there are research studies on both sides. The World Bank survey, 2014, asked employers... and the employers did not rate labour law regulations as [among] the top five or seven or 10 irritants. For them, the availability of skilled workforce and cooperative labour-management relations were far more important than flexible labour laws. So, the gravest implication of these labour laws [changes] is that it will create industrial discontent, even a kind of labour unrest, which will stifle any hope of achieving industrial progress. And, employers will not benefit because these provisions will hurt labour welfare and thereby labour efficiency.</p>

<p style="text-align:justify">Please <a href="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/are-indias-labour-laws-too-restrictive/article31585617.ece?homepage=true">click here</a> to read more.</p>
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$metaTitle = 'LATEST NEWS UPDATES | Are India’s labour laws too restrictive? -Suresh Seshadri'
$metaKeywords = 'Labour Laws,Labour Regulations,Labour Reforms,Social Security,Social Safety Net,Social Safety Nets,Social Protection,Labour Rights,Job Insecurity'
$metaDesc = '-The Hindu

For employers, availability of skilled workforce and worker-management ties are more vital

Some State governments including Uttar Pradesh (U.P.) and Madhya Pradesh (M.P.) have proposed ordinances to exempt manufacturing establishments from the purview of most labour laws. In a discussion...'
$disp = '<p style="text-align:justify">-The Hindu</p><p style="text-align:justify"><em>For employers, availability of skilled workforce and worker-management ties are more vital</em></p><p style="text-align:justify">Some State governments including Uttar Pradesh (U.P.) and Madhya Pradesh (M.P.) have proposed ordinances to exempt manufacturing establishments from the purview of most labour laws. In a discussion moderated by Suresh Seshadri, Amit Basole (Associate Professor of Economics, Azim Premji Unversity, Bengaluru) and K.R. Shyam Sundar (Professor of Human Resource Management, XLRI, Jamshedpur) look at the backdrop for this move and consider what lies ahead for the country&rsquo;s labour and industrial relations. Edited excerpts:</p><p style="text-align:justify"><em>* Are the ordinances justified given the need to both preserve and create jobs in the wake of the COVID-19 crisis?</em></p><p style="text-align:justify">K.R. Shyam Sundar: First, let me express my profound sense of shock [at the] changes or even disruptions that M.P. and U.P. governments have introduced on the pretext of creating employment and attracting investment. This is a very dangerous kind of political legitimacy that has been invoked.</p><p style="text-align:justify">There are three issues here. The Constitution provides a number of basic rights, and, under the directive principles of state policy, a number of assurances. Now, the kind of changes that have been made, they potentially will hurt, will dis-enable the realisation of the constitutional objectives. Second, the facility of the concurrent subject has been abused. And, we should bear in mind that the national codification and the labour law reform process is on. What is the unholy hurry on the part of the State governments to do this? But, I have an explanation: given the COVID situation and the national lockdown, the trade unions that are already weak cannot mobilise their forces and conduct any kind of a State-level or national struggle. This is a clear case of vulnerability, which the state has exploited.</p><p style="text-align:justify">Now, whether the labour laws constitute rigidities, the answer, in a cautious sense, is &lsquo;indecisive&rsquo; because there are research studies on both sides. The World Bank survey, 2014, asked employers... and the employers did not rate labour law regulations as [among] the top five or seven or 10 irritants. For them, the availability of skilled workforce and cooperative labour-management relations were far more important than flexible labour laws. So, the gravest implication of these labour laws [changes] is that it will create industrial discontent, even a kind of labour unrest, which will stifle any hope of achieving industrial progress. And, employers will not benefit because these provisions will hurt labour welfare and thereby labour efficiency.</p><p style="text-align:justify">Please <a href="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/are-indias-labour-laws-too-restrictive/article31585617.ece?homepage=true" title="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/are-indias-labour-laws-too-restrictive/article31585617.ece?homepage=true">click here</a> to read more.</p>'
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Are India’s labour laws too restrictive? -Suresh Seshadri

-The Hindu For employers, availability of skilled workforce and worker-management ties are more vital Some State governments including Uttar Pradesh (U.P.) and Madhya Pradesh (M.P.) have proposed ordinances to exempt manufacturing establishments from the purview of most labour laws. In a discussion moderated by Suresh Seshadri, Amit Basole (Associate Professor of Economics, Azim Premji Unversity, Bengaluru) and K.R. Shyam Sundar (Professor of Human Resource Management, XLRI, Jamshedpur) look at the backdrop for this move and consider what lies ahead for the country’s labour and industrial relations. Edited excerpts: * Are the ordinances justified given the need to both preserve and create jobs in the wake of the COVID-19 crisis? K.R. Shyam Sundar: First, let me express my profound sense of shock [at the] changes or even disruptions that M.P. and U.P. governments have introduced on the pretext of creating employment and attracting investment. This is a very dangerous kind of political legitimacy that has been invoked. There are three issues here. The Constitution provides a number of basic rights, and, under the directive principles of state policy, a number of assurances. Now, the kind of changes that have been made, they potentially will hurt, will dis-enable the realisation of the constitutional objectives. Second, the facility of the concurrent subject has been abused. And, we should bear in mind that the national codification and the labour law reform process is on. What is the unholy hurry on the part of the State governments to do this? But, I have an explanation: given the COVID situation and the national lockdown, the trade unions that are already weak cannot mobilise their forces and conduct any kind of a State-level or national struggle. This is a clear case of vulnerability, which the state has exploited. Now, whether the labour laws constitute rigidities, the answer, in a cautious sense, is ‘indecisive’ because there are research studies on both sides. The World Bank survey, 2014, asked employers... and the employers did not rate labour law regulations as [among] the top five or seven or 10 irritants. For them, the availability of skilled workforce and cooperative labour-management relations were far more important than flexible labour laws. So, the gravest implication of these labour laws [changes] is that it will create industrial discontent, even a kind of labour unrest, which will stifle any hope of achieving industrial progress. And, employers will not benefit because these provisions will hurt labour welfare and thereby labour efficiency. Please click here to read more.