Deprecated (16384): The ArrayAccess methods will be removed in 4.0.0.Use getParam(), getData() and getQuery() instead. - /home/brlfuser/public_html/src/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line: 73
 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php. [CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311]
Code Context


        trigger_error($message, E_USER_DEPRECATED);

    }
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 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php.'
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deprecationWarning - CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311
Cake\Http\ServerRequest::offsetGet() - CORE/src/Http/ServerRequest.php, line 2421
App\Controller\ArtileDetailController::printArticle() - APP/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line 73
Cake\Controller\Controller::invokeAction() - CORE/src/Controller/Controller.php, line 610
Cake\Http\ActionDispatcher::_invoke() - CORE/src/Http/ActionDispatcher.php, line 120
Cake\Http\ActionDispatcher::dispatch() - CORE/src/Http/ActionDispatcher.php, line 94
Cake\Http\BaseApplication::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/BaseApplication.php, line 235
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Routing\Middleware\RoutingMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Routing/Middleware/RoutingMiddleware.php, line 162
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Routing\Middleware\AssetMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Routing/Middleware/AssetMiddleware.php, line 88
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Error\Middleware\ErrorHandlerMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Error/Middleware/ErrorHandlerMiddleware.php, line 96
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Http\Runner::run() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 51
Cake\Http\Server::run() - CORE/src/Http/Server.php, line 98

Deprecated (16384): The ArrayAccess methods will be removed in 4.0.0.Use getParam(), getData() and getQuery() instead. - /home/brlfuser/public_html/src/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line: 74
 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php. [CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311]
Code Context


        trigger_error($message, E_USER_DEPRECATED);

    }
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 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php.'
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deprecationWarning - CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311
Cake\Http\ServerRequest::offsetGet() - CORE/src/Http/ServerRequest.php, line 2421
App\Controller\ArtileDetailController::printArticle() - APP/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line 74
Cake\Controller\Controller::invokeAction() - CORE/src/Controller/Controller.php, line 610
Cake\Http\ActionDispatcher::_invoke() - CORE/src/Http/ActionDispatcher.php, line 120
Cake\Http\ActionDispatcher::dispatch() - CORE/src/Http/ActionDispatcher.php, line 94
Cake\Http\BaseApplication::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/BaseApplication.php, line 235
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Routing\Middleware\RoutingMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Routing/Middleware/RoutingMiddleware.php, line 162
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Routing\Middleware\AssetMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Routing/Middleware/AssetMiddleware.php, line 88
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Error\Middleware\ErrorHandlerMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Error/Middleware/ErrorHandlerMiddleware.php, line 96
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Http\Runner::run() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 51
Cake\Http\Server::run() - CORE/src/Http/Server.php, line 98

Warning (512): Unable to emit headers. Headers sent in file=/home/brlfuser/public_html/vendor/cakephp/cakephp/src/Error/Debugger.php line=853 [CORE/src/Http/ResponseEmitter.php, line 48]
Code Context
            if (Configure::read('debug')) {

                trigger_error($message, E_USER_WARNING);

            } else {
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    <link rel="canonical" href="https://im4change.in/<pre class="cake-error"><a href="javascript:void(0);" onclick="document.getElementById('cakeErr68021abfcf330-trace').style.display = (document.getElementById('cakeErr68021abfcf330-trace').style.display == 'none' ? '' : 'none');"><b>Notice</b> (8)</a>: Undefined variable: urlPrefix [<b>APP/Template/Layout/printlayout.ctp</b>, line <b>8</b>]<div id="cakeErr68021abfcf330-trace" class="cake-stack-trace" style="display: none;"><a href="javascript:void(0);" onclick="document.getElementById('cakeErr68021abfcf330-code').style.display = (document.getElementById('cakeErr68021abfcf330-code').style.display == 'none' ? '' : 'none')">Code</a> <a href="javascript:void(0);" onclick="document.getElementById('cakeErr68021abfcf330-context').style.display = (document.getElementById('cakeErr68021abfcf330-context').style.display == 'none' ? '' : 'none')">Context</a><pre id="cakeErr68021abfcf330-code" class="cake-code-dump" style="display: none;"><code><span style="color: #000000"><span style="color: #0000BB"></span><span style="color: #007700">&lt;</span><span style="color: #0000BB">head</span><span style="color: #007700">&gt;
</span></span></code>
<span class="code-highlight"><code><span style="color: #000000">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&lt;link&nbsp;rel="canonical"&nbsp;href="<span style="color: #0000BB">&lt;?php&nbsp;</span><span style="color: #007700">echo&nbsp;</span><span style="color: #0000BB">Configure</span><span style="color: #007700">::</span><span style="color: #0000BB">read</span><span style="color: #007700">(</span><span style="color: #DD0000">'SITE_URL'</span><span style="color: #007700">);&nbsp;</span><span style="color: #0000BB">?&gt;&lt;?php&nbsp;</span><span style="color: #007700">echo&nbsp;</span><span style="color: #0000BB">$urlPrefix</span><span style="color: #007700">;</span><span style="color: #0000BB">?&gt;&lt;?php&nbsp;</span><span style="color: #007700">echo&nbsp;</span><span style="color: #0000BB">$article_current</span><span style="color: #007700">-&gt;</span><span style="color: #0000BB">category</span><span style="color: #007700">-&gt;</span><span style="color: #0000BB">slug</span><span style="color: #007700">;&nbsp;</span><span style="color: #0000BB">?&gt;</span>/<span style="color: #0000BB">&lt;?php&nbsp;</span><span style="color: #007700">echo&nbsp;</span><span style="color: #0000BB">$article_current</span><span style="color: #007700">-&gt;</span><span style="color: #0000BB">seo_url</span><span style="color: #007700">;&nbsp;</span><span style="color: #0000BB">?&gt;</span>.html"/&gt;
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-ThePrint.in&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;The larger lesson is clear: in an era when the Congress &amp;amp; the BJP can agree on next to nothing, they will gladly join hands to save their own skin.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Among all the talk of the aam aadmi focus emerging from last week&amp;rsquo;s Budget, many people may have missed one of its most self-serving acts. This manoeuvre found no mention in the Union Finance Minister&amp;rsquo;s presentation itself, but was instead buried in innocuous-sounding legalese contained in the draft Finance Bill tabled by the government. It is a mere 34 words placed on page 52, Part XIX, Section 217. The offending section reads:&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In the Finance Act, 2016, in section 236, in the opening paragraph, for the words, figures and letters &amp;ldquo;the 26th September, 2010&amp;rdquo;, the words, figures and letters &amp;ldquo;the 5th August, 1976&amp;rdquo; shall be substituted.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
This humdrum language sounds innocent enough&amp;mdash;hardly worthy of further comment, unless, of course, you are a chartered accountant. And that superficial mundanity is precisely the point. But, look beneath the surface and these approximately three-dozen words are the latest stunt in a multi-year, subterranean effort to rewrite India&amp;rsquo;s election finance rules.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
As with the recent introduction of electoral bonds, a new instrument that legalises opacity in political giving, India&amp;rsquo;s election finance regime&amp;mdash;never particularly robust to begin with&amp;mdash;is rapidly hurtling backwards. Don&amp;rsquo;t look to the opposition to come to the rescue, however, for it is implicated as well.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
The origins of the present tamasha date back to 2014, when the Delhi High Court issued an order that found both the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its principal rival, the Indian National Congress, guilty of accepting donations from foreign corporations. Under the terms of Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act 2010 (FCRA), a &amp;ldquo;foreign source&amp;rdquo; is defined as a company that has &amp;ldquo;more than one-half of the nominal value of its share capital held&amp;rdquo; by &amp;ldquo;corporations incorporated in a foreign country or territory&amp;rdquo;. By that definition, the Delhi High Court ruled, multiple donations from the London-based natural resources giant Vedanta (among a few others) provided to both parties ran afoul of the law on the books.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Caught red-handed by the court and referred to the Election Commission for punitive action, the two national parties got creative. In 2016, under the cover of darkness, the present Finance Minister inserted another seemingly routine clause into that year&amp;rsquo;s Finance Bill, retroactively amending the 2010 FCRA law in order to redefine what a &amp;ldquo;foreign source&amp;rdquo; actually is.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://theprint.in/2018/02/06/dont-believe-the-bjp-and-congress-claims-that-theyre-cleaning-up-poll-funding/&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;
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The larger lesson is clear: in an era when the Congress &amp;amp; the BJP can agree on next to nothing, they will gladly join hands to save their own skin.

Among all the talk of the aam aadmi focus emerging from...&#039;,
	&#039;disp&#039; =&gt; &#039;&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;-ThePrint.in&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;The larger lesson is clear: in an era when the Congress &amp;amp; the BJP can agree on next to nothing, they will gladly join hands to save their own skin.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Among all the talk of the aam aadmi focus emerging from last week&amp;rsquo;s Budget, many people may have missed one of its most self-serving acts. This manoeuvre found no mention in the Union Finance Minister&amp;rsquo;s presentation itself, but was instead buried in innocuous-sounding legalese contained in the draft Finance Bill tabled by the government. It is a mere 34 words placed on page 52, Part XIX, Section 217. The offending section reads:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In the Finance Act, 2016, in section 236, in the opening paragraph, for the words, figures and letters &amp;ldquo;the 26th September, 2010&amp;rdquo;, the words, figures and letters &amp;ldquo;the 5th August, 1976&amp;rdquo; shall be substituted.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This humdrum language sounds innocent enough&amp;mdash;hardly worthy of further comment, unless, of course, you are a chartered accountant. And that superficial mundanity is precisely the point. But, look beneath the surface and these approximately three-dozen words are the latest stunt in a multi-year, subterranean effort to rewrite India&amp;rsquo;s election finance rules.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;As with the recent introduction of electoral bonds, a new instrument that legalises opacity in political giving, India&amp;rsquo;s election finance regime&amp;mdash;never particularly robust to begin with&amp;mdash;is rapidly hurtling backwards. Don&amp;rsquo;t look to the opposition to come to the rescue, however, for it is implicated as well.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The origins of the present tamasha date back to 2014, when the Delhi High Court issued an order that found both the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its principal rival, the Indian National Congress, guilty of accepting donations from foreign corporations. Under the terms of Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act 2010 (FCRA), a &amp;ldquo;foreign source&amp;rdquo; is defined as a company that has &amp;ldquo;more than one-half of the nominal value of its share capital held&amp;rdquo; by &amp;ldquo;corporations incorporated in a foreign country or territory&amp;rdquo;. By that definition, the Delhi High Court ruled, multiple donations from the London-based natural resources giant Vedanta (among a few others) provided to both parties ran afoul of the law on the books.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Caught red-handed by the court and referred to the Election Commission for punitive action, the two national parties got creative. In 2016, under the cover of darkness, the present Finance Minister inserted another seemingly routine clause into that year&amp;rsquo;s Finance Bill, retroactively amending the 2010 FCRA law in order to redefine what a &amp;ldquo;foreign source&amp;rdquo; actually is.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://theprint.in/2018/02/06/dont-believe-the-bjp-and-congress-claims-that-theyre-cleaning-up-poll-funding/&quot; title=&quot;https://theprint.in/2018/02/06/dont-believe-the-bjp-and-congress-claims-that-theyre-cleaning-up-poll-funding/&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;&#039;,
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&lt;em&gt;The larger lesson is clear: in an era when the Congress &amp;amp; the BJP can agree on next to nothing, they will gladly join hands to save their own skin.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Among all the talk of the aam aadmi focus emerging from last week&amp;rsquo;s Budget, many people may have missed one of its most self-serving acts. This manoeuvre found no mention in the Union Finance Minister&amp;rsquo;s presentation itself, but was instead buried in innocuous-sounding legalese contained in the draft Finance Bill tabled by the government. It is a mere 34 words placed on page 52, Part XIX, Section 217. The offending section reads:&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
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&lt;br /&gt;
This humdrum language sounds innocent enough&amp;mdash;hardly worthy of further comment, unless, of course, you are a chartered accountant. And that superficial mundanity is precisely the point. But, look beneath the surface and these approximately three-dozen words are the latest stunt in a multi-year, subterranean effort to rewrite India&amp;rsquo;s election finance rules.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
As with the recent introduction of electoral bonds, a new instrument that legalises opacity in political giving, India&amp;rsquo;s election finance regime&amp;mdash;never particularly robust to begin with&amp;mdash;is rapidly hurtling backwards. Don&amp;rsquo;t look to the opposition to come to the rescue, however, for it is implicated as well.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
The origins of the present tamasha date back to 2014, when the Delhi High Court issued an order that found both the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its principal rival, the Indian National Congress, guilty of accepting donations from foreign corporations. Under the terms of Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act 2010 (FCRA), a &amp;ldquo;foreign source&amp;rdquo; is defined as a company that has &amp;ldquo;more than one-half of the nominal value of its share capital held&amp;rdquo; by &amp;ldquo;corporations incorporated in a foreign country or territory&amp;rdquo;. By that definition, the Delhi High Court ruled, multiple donations from the London-based natural resources giant Vedanta (among a few others) provided to both parties ran afoul of the law on the books.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Caught red-handed by the court and referred to the Election Commission for punitive action, the two national parties got creative. In 2016, under the cover of darkness, the present Finance Minister inserted another seemingly routine clause into that year&amp;rsquo;s Finance Bill, retroactively amending the 2010 FCRA law in order to redefine what a &amp;ldquo;foreign source&amp;rdquo; actually is.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://theprint.in/2018/02/06/dont-believe-the-bjp-and-congress-claims-that-theyre-cleaning-up-poll-funding/&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;&#039;,
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The larger lesson is clear: in an era when the Congress &amp;amp; the BJP can agree on next to nothing, they will gladly join hands to save their own skin.

Among all the talk of the aam aadmi focus emerging from...&#039;
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Cake\Http\ActionDispatcher::dispatch() - CORE/src/Http/ActionDispatcher.php, line 94
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The larger lesson is clear: in an era when the Congress &amp; the BJP can agree on next to nothing, they will gladly join hands to save their own skin.

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                <strong>Don&#039;t believe the BJP and Congress claims that they&#039;re cleaning up poll funding -Milan Vaishnav</strong></h1>
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                <div align="justify">-ThePrint.in<br /><br /><em>The larger lesson is clear: in an era when the Congress &amp; the BJP can agree on next to nothing, they will gladly join hands to save their own skin.<br /></em><br />Among all the talk of the aam aadmi focus emerging from last week&rsquo;s Budget, many people may have missed one of its most self-serving acts. This manoeuvre found no mention in the Union Finance Minister&rsquo;s presentation itself, but was instead buried in innocuous-sounding legalese contained in the draft Finance Bill tabled by the government. It is a mere 34 words placed on page 52, Part XIX, Section 217. The offending section reads:<br /><br />In the Finance Act, 2016, in section 236, in the opening paragraph, for the words, figures and letters &ldquo;the 26th September, 2010&rdquo;, the words, figures and letters &ldquo;the 5th August, 1976&rdquo; shall be substituted.<br /><br />This humdrum language sounds innocent enough&mdash;hardly worthy of further comment, unless, of course, you are a chartered accountant. And that superficial mundanity is precisely the point. But, look beneath the surface and these approximately three-dozen words are the latest stunt in a multi-year, subterranean effort to rewrite India&rsquo;s election finance rules.<br /><br />As with the recent introduction of electoral bonds, a new instrument that legalises opacity in political giving, India&rsquo;s election finance regime&mdash;never particularly robust to begin with&mdash;is rapidly hurtling backwards. Don&rsquo;t look to the opposition to come to the rescue, however, for it is implicated as well.<br /><br />The origins of the present tamasha date back to 2014, when the Delhi High Court issued an order that found both the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its principal rival, the Indian National Congress, guilty of accepting donations from foreign corporations. Under the terms of Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act 2010 (FCRA), a &ldquo;foreign source&rdquo; is defined as a company that has &ldquo;more than one-half of the nominal value of its share capital held&rdquo; by &ldquo;corporations incorporated in a foreign country or territory&rdquo;. By that definition, the Delhi High Court ruled, multiple donations from the London-based natural resources giant Vedanta (among a few others) provided to both parties ran afoul of the law on the books.<br /><br />Caught red-handed by the court and referred to the Election Commission for punitive action, the two national parties got creative. In 2016, under the cover of darkness, the present Finance Minister inserted another seemingly routine clause into that year&rsquo;s Finance Bill, retroactively amending the 2010 FCRA law in order to redefine what a &ldquo;foreign source&rdquo; actually is.<br /><br />Please <a href="https://theprint.in/2018/02/06/dont-believe-the-bjp-and-congress-claims-that-theyre-cleaning-up-poll-funding/" title="https://theprint.in/2018/02/06/dont-believe-the-bjp-and-congress-claims-that-theyre-cleaning-up-poll-funding/">click here</a> to read more. <br /></div>               </font>
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-ThePrint.in&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;The larger lesson is clear: in an era when the Congress &amp;amp; the BJP can agree on next to nothing, they will gladly join hands to save their own skin.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Among all the talk of the aam aadmi focus emerging from last week&amp;rsquo;s Budget, many people may have missed one of its most self-serving acts. This manoeuvre found no mention in the Union Finance Minister&amp;rsquo;s presentation itself, but was instead buried in innocuous-sounding legalese contained in the draft Finance Bill tabled by the government. It is a mere 34 words placed on page 52, Part XIX, Section 217. The offending section reads:&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
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&lt;br /&gt;
This humdrum language sounds innocent enough&amp;mdash;hardly worthy of further comment, unless, of course, you are a chartered accountant. And that superficial mundanity is precisely the point. But, look beneath the surface and these approximately three-dozen words are the latest stunt in a multi-year, subterranean effort to rewrite India&amp;rsquo;s election finance rules.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
As with the recent introduction of electoral bonds, a new instrument that legalises opacity in political giving, India&amp;rsquo;s election finance regime&amp;mdash;never particularly robust to begin with&amp;mdash;is rapidly hurtling backwards. Don&amp;rsquo;t look to the opposition to come to the rescue, however, for it is implicated as well.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
The origins of the present tamasha date back to 2014, when the Delhi High Court issued an order that found both the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its principal rival, the Indian National Congress, guilty of accepting donations from foreign corporations. Under the terms of Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act 2010 (FCRA), a &amp;ldquo;foreign source&amp;rdquo; is defined as a company that has &amp;ldquo;more than one-half of the nominal value of its share capital held&amp;rdquo; by &amp;ldquo;corporations incorporated in a foreign country or territory&amp;rdquo;. By that definition, the Delhi High Court ruled, multiple donations from the London-based natural resources giant Vedanta (among a few others) provided to both parties ran afoul of the law on the books.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Caught red-handed by the court and referred to the Election Commission for punitive action, the two national parties got creative. In 2016, under the cover of darkness, the present Finance Minister inserted another seemingly routine clause into that year&amp;rsquo;s Finance Bill, retroactively amending the 2010 FCRA law in order to redefine what a &amp;ldquo;foreign source&amp;rdquo; actually is.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://theprint.in/2018/02/06/dont-believe-the-bjp-and-congress-claims-that-theyre-cleaning-up-poll-funding/&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;
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The larger lesson is clear: in an era when the Congress &amp;amp; the BJP can agree on next to nothing, they will gladly join hands to save their own skin.

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&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;The larger lesson is clear: in an era when the Congress &amp;amp; the BJP can agree on next to nothing, they will gladly join hands to save their own skin.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Among all the talk of the aam aadmi focus emerging from last week&amp;rsquo;s Budget, many people may have missed one of its most self-serving acts. This manoeuvre found no mention in the Union Finance Minister&amp;rsquo;s presentation itself, but was instead buried in innocuous-sounding legalese contained in the draft Finance Bill tabled by the government. It is a mere 34 words placed on page 52, Part XIX, Section 217. The offending section reads:&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In the Finance Act, 2016, in section 236, in the opening paragraph, for the words, figures and letters &amp;ldquo;the 26th September, 2010&amp;rdquo;, the words, figures and letters &amp;ldquo;the 5th August, 1976&amp;rdquo; shall be substituted.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
This humdrum language sounds innocent enough&amp;mdash;hardly worthy of further comment, unless, of course, you are a chartered accountant. And that superficial mundanity is precisely the point. But, look beneath the surface and these approximately three-dozen words are the latest stunt in a multi-year, subterranean effort to rewrite India&amp;rsquo;s election finance rules.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
As with the recent introduction of electoral bonds, a new instrument that legalises opacity in political giving, India&amp;rsquo;s election finance regime&amp;mdash;never particularly robust to begin with&amp;mdash;is rapidly hurtling backwards. Don&amp;rsquo;t look to the opposition to come to the rescue, however, for it is implicated as well.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
The origins of the present tamasha date back to 2014, when the Delhi High Court issued an order that found both the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its principal rival, the Indian National Congress, guilty of accepting donations from foreign corporations. Under the terms of Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act 2010 (FCRA), a &amp;ldquo;foreign source&amp;rdquo; is defined as a company that has &amp;ldquo;more than one-half of the nominal value of its share capital held&amp;rdquo; by &amp;ldquo;corporations incorporated in a foreign country or territory&amp;rdquo;. By that definition, the Delhi High Court ruled, multiple donations from the London-based natural resources giant Vedanta (among a few others) provided to both parties ran afoul of the law on the books.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Caught red-handed by the court and referred to the Election Commission for punitive action, the two national parties got creative. In 2016, under the cover of darkness, the present Finance Minister inserted another seemingly routine clause into that year&amp;rsquo;s Finance Bill, retroactively amending the 2010 FCRA law in order to redefine what a &amp;ldquo;foreign source&amp;rdquo; actually is.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://theprint.in/2018/02/06/dont-believe-the-bjp-and-congress-claims-that-theyre-cleaning-up-poll-funding/&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;
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-ThePrint.in

The larger lesson is clear: in an era when the Congress &amp;amp; the BJP can agree on next to nothing, they will gladly join hands to save their own skin.

Among all the talk of the aam aadmi focus emerging from...&#039;
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The larger lesson is clear: in an era when the Congress &amp; the BJP can agree on next to nothing, they will gladly join hands to save their own skin.

Among all the talk of the aam aadmi focus emerging from..."/>
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                <strong>Don&#039;t believe the BJP and Congress claims that they&#039;re cleaning up poll funding -Milan Vaishnav</strong></h1>
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                <div align="justify">-ThePrint.in<br /><br /><em>The larger lesson is clear: in an era when the Congress &amp; the BJP can agree on next to nothing, they will gladly join hands to save their own skin.<br /></em><br />Among all the talk of the aam aadmi focus emerging from last week&rsquo;s Budget, many people may have missed one of its most self-serving acts. This manoeuvre found no mention in the Union Finance Minister&rsquo;s presentation itself, but was instead buried in innocuous-sounding legalese contained in the draft Finance Bill tabled by the government. It is a mere 34 words placed on page 52, Part XIX, Section 217. The offending section reads:<br /><br />In the Finance Act, 2016, in section 236, in the opening paragraph, for the words, figures and letters &ldquo;the 26th September, 2010&rdquo;, the words, figures and letters &ldquo;the 5th August, 1976&rdquo; shall be substituted.<br /><br />This humdrum language sounds innocent enough&mdash;hardly worthy of further comment, unless, of course, you are a chartered accountant. And that superficial mundanity is precisely the point. But, look beneath the surface and these approximately three-dozen words are the latest stunt in a multi-year, subterranean effort to rewrite India&rsquo;s election finance rules.<br /><br />As with the recent introduction of electoral bonds, a new instrument that legalises opacity in political giving, India&rsquo;s election finance regime&mdash;never particularly robust to begin with&mdash;is rapidly hurtling backwards. Don&rsquo;t look to the opposition to come to the rescue, however, for it is implicated as well.<br /><br />The origins of the present tamasha date back to 2014, when the Delhi High Court issued an order that found both the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its principal rival, the Indian National Congress, guilty of accepting donations from foreign corporations. Under the terms of Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act 2010 (FCRA), a &ldquo;foreign source&rdquo; is defined as a company that has &ldquo;more than one-half of the nominal value of its share capital held&rdquo; by &ldquo;corporations incorporated in a foreign country or territory&rdquo;. By that definition, the Delhi High Court ruled, multiple donations from the London-based natural resources giant Vedanta (among a few others) provided to both parties ran afoul of the law on the books.<br /><br />Caught red-handed by the court and referred to the Election Commission for punitive action, the two national parties got creative. In 2016, under the cover of darkness, the present Finance Minister inserted another seemingly routine clause into that year&rsquo;s Finance Bill, retroactively amending the 2010 FCRA law in order to redefine what a &ldquo;foreign source&rdquo; actually is.<br /><br />Please <a href="https://theprint.in/2018/02/06/dont-believe-the-bjp-and-congress-claims-that-theyre-cleaning-up-poll-funding/" title="https://theprint.in/2018/02/06/dont-believe-the-bjp-and-congress-claims-that-theyre-cleaning-up-poll-funding/">click here</a> to read more. <br /></div>               </font>
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&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;The larger lesson is clear: in an era when the Congress &amp;amp; the BJP can agree on next to nothing, they will gladly join hands to save their own skin.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Among all the talk of the aam aadmi focus emerging from last week&amp;rsquo;s Budget, many people may have missed one of its most self-serving acts. This manoeuvre found no mention in the Union Finance Minister&amp;rsquo;s presentation itself, but was instead buried in innocuous-sounding legalese contained in the draft Finance Bill tabled by the government. It is a mere 34 words placed on page 52, Part XIX, Section 217. The offending section reads:&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
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&lt;br /&gt;
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&lt;br /&gt;
As with the recent introduction of electoral bonds, a new instrument that legalises opacity in political giving, India&amp;rsquo;s election finance regime&amp;mdash;never particularly robust to begin with&amp;mdash;is rapidly hurtling backwards. Don&amp;rsquo;t look to the opposition to come to the rescue, however, for it is implicated as well.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
The origins of the present tamasha date back to 2014, when the Delhi High Court issued an order that found both the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its principal rival, the Indian National Congress, guilty of accepting donations from foreign corporations. Under the terms of Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act 2010 (FCRA), a &amp;ldquo;foreign source&amp;rdquo; is defined as a company that has &amp;ldquo;more than one-half of the nominal value of its share capital held&amp;rdquo; by &amp;ldquo;corporations incorporated in a foreign country or territory&amp;rdquo;. By that definition, the Delhi High Court ruled, multiple donations from the London-based natural resources giant Vedanta (among a few others) provided to both parties ran afoul of the law on the books.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
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&lt;br /&gt;
Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://theprint.in/2018/02/06/dont-believe-the-bjp-and-congress-claims-that-theyre-cleaning-up-poll-funding/&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;
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The larger lesson is clear: in an era when the Congress &amp;amp; the BJP can agree on next to nothing, they will gladly join hands to save their own skin.

Among all the talk of the aam aadmi focus emerging from...&#039;,
	&#039;disp&#039; =&gt; &#039;&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;-ThePrint.in&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;The larger lesson is clear: in an era when the Congress &amp;amp; the BJP can agree on next to nothing, they will gladly join hands to save their own skin.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Among all the talk of the aam aadmi focus emerging from last week&amp;rsquo;s Budget, many people may have missed one of its most self-serving acts. This manoeuvre found no mention in the Union Finance Minister&amp;rsquo;s presentation itself, but was instead buried in innocuous-sounding legalese contained in the draft Finance Bill tabled by the government. It is a mere 34 words placed on page 52, Part XIX, Section 217. The offending section reads:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In the Finance Act, 2016, in section 236, in the opening paragraph, for the words, figures and letters &amp;ldquo;the 26th September, 2010&amp;rdquo;, the words, figures and letters &amp;ldquo;the 5th August, 1976&amp;rdquo; shall be substituted.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This humdrum language sounds innocent enough&amp;mdash;hardly worthy of further comment, unless, of course, you are a chartered accountant. And that superficial mundanity is precisely the point. But, look beneath the surface and these approximately three-dozen words are the latest stunt in a multi-year, subterranean effort to rewrite India&amp;rsquo;s election finance rules.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;As with the recent introduction of electoral bonds, a new instrument that legalises opacity in political giving, India&amp;rsquo;s election finance regime&amp;mdash;never particularly robust to begin with&amp;mdash;is rapidly hurtling backwards. Don&amp;rsquo;t look to the opposition to come to the rescue, however, for it is implicated as well.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The origins of the present tamasha date back to 2014, when the Delhi High Court issued an order that found both the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its principal rival, the Indian National Congress, guilty of accepting donations from foreign corporations. Under the terms of Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act 2010 (FCRA), a &amp;ldquo;foreign source&amp;rdquo; is defined as a company that has &amp;ldquo;more than one-half of the nominal value of its share capital held&amp;rdquo; by &amp;ldquo;corporations incorporated in a foreign country or territory&amp;rdquo;. By that definition, the Delhi High Court ruled, multiple donations from the London-based natural resources giant Vedanta (among a few others) provided to both parties ran afoul of the law on the books.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Caught red-handed by the court and referred to the Election Commission for punitive action, the two national parties got creative. In 2016, under the cover of darkness, the present Finance Minister inserted another seemingly routine clause into that year&amp;rsquo;s Finance Bill, retroactively amending the 2010 FCRA law in order to redefine what a &amp;ldquo;foreign source&amp;rdquo; actually is.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://theprint.in/2018/02/06/dont-believe-the-bjp-and-congress-claims-that-theyre-cleaning-up-poll-funding/&quot; title=&quot;https://theprint.in/2018/02/06/dont-believe-the-bjp-and-congress-claims-that-theyre-cleaning-up-poll-funding/&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;&#039;,
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	&#039;title&#039; =&gt; &#039;Don&amp;#039;t believe the BJP and Congress claims that they&amp;#039;re cleaning up poll funding -Milan Vaishnav&#039;,
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-ThePrint.in&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;The larger lesson is clear: in an era when the Congress &amp;amp; the BJP can agree on next to nothing, they will gladly join hands to save their own skin.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Among all the talk of the aam aadmi focus emerging from last week&amp;rsquo;s Budget, many people may have missed one of its most self-serving acts. This manoeuvre found no mention in the Union Finance Minister&amp;rsquo;s presentation itself, but was instead buried in innocuous-sounding legalese contained in the draft Finance Bill tabled by the government. It is a mere 34 words placed on page 52, Part XIX, Section 217. The offending section reads:&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In the Finance Act, 2016, in section 236, in the opening paragraph, for the words, figures and letters &amp;ldquo;the 26th September, 2010&amp;rdquo;, the words, figures and letters &amp;ldquo;the 5th August, 1976&amp;rdquo; shall be substituted.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
This humdrum language sounds innocent enough&amp;mdash;hardly worthy of further comment, unless, of course, you are a chartered accountant. And that superficial mundanity is precisely the point. But, look beneath the surface and these approximately three-dozen words are the latest stunt in a multi-year, subterranean effort to rewrite India&amp;rsquo;s election finance rules.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
As with the recent introduction of electoral bonds, a new instrument that legalises opacity in political giving, India&amp;rsquo;s election finance regime&amp;mdash;never particularly robust to begin with&amp;mdash;is rapidly hurtling backwards. Don&amp;rsquo;t look to the opposition to come to the rescue, however, for it is implicated as well.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
The origins of the present tamasha date back to 2014, when the Delhi High Court issued an order that found both the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its principal rival, the Indian National Congress, guilty of accepting donations from foreign corporations. Under the terms of Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act 2010 (FCRA), a &amp;ldquo;foreign source&amp;rdquo; is defined as a company that has &amp;ldquo;more than one-half of the nominal value of its share capital held&amp;rdquo; by &amp;ldquo;corporations incorporated in a foreign country or territory&amp;rdquo;. By that definition, the Delhi High Court ruled, multiple donations from the London-based natural resources giant Vedanta (among a few others) provided to both parties ran afoul of the law on the books.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Caught red-handed by the court and referred to the Election Commission for punitive action, the two national parties got creative. In 2016, under the cover of darkness, the present Finance Minister inserted another seemingly routine clause into that year&amp;rsquo;s Finance Bill, retroactively amending the 2010 FCRA law in order to redefine what a &amp;ldquo;foreign source&amp;rdquo; actually is.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://theprint.in/2018/02/06/dont-believe-the-bjp-and-congress-claims-that-theyre-cleaning-up-poll-funding/&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;
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-ThePrint.in

The larger lesson is clear: in an era when the Congress &amp;amp; the BJP can agree on next to nothing, they will gladly join hands to save their own skin.

Among all the talk of the aam aadmi focus emerging from...&#039;
$disp = &#039;&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;-ThePrint.in&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;The larger lesson is clear: in an era when the Congress &amp;amp; the BJP can agree on next to nothing, they will gladly join hands to save their own skin.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Among all the talk of the aam aadmi focus emerging from last week&amp;rsquo;s Budget, many people may have missed one of its most self-serving acts. This manoeuvre found no mention in the Union Finance Minister&amp;rsquo;s presentation itself, but was instead buried in innocuous-sounding legalese contained in the draft Finance Bill tabled by the government. It is a mere 34 words placed on page 52, Part XIX, Section 217. The offending section reads:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In the Finance Act, 2016, in section 236, in the opening paragraph, for the words, figures and letters &amp;ldquo;the 26th September, 2010&amp;rdquo;, the words, figures and letters &amp;ldquo;the 5th August, 1976&amp;rdquo; shall be substituted.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This humdrum language sounds innocent enough&amp;mdash;hardly worthy of further comment, unless, of course, you are a chartered accountant. And that superficial mundanity is precisely the point. But, look beneath the surface and these approximately three-dozen words are the latest stunt in a multi-year, subterranean effort to rewrite India&amp;rsquo;s election finance rules.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;As with the recent introduction of electoral bonds, a new instrument that legalises opacity in political giving, India&amp;rsquo;s election finance regime&amp;mdash;never particularly robust to begin with&amp;mdash;is rapidly hurtling backwards. Don&amp;rsquo;t look to the opposition to come to the rescue, however, for it is implicated as well.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The origins of the present tamasha date back to 2014, when the Delhi High Court issued an order that found both the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its principal rival, the Indian National Congress, guilty of accepting donations from foreign corporations. Under the terms of Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act 2010 (FCRA), a &amp;ldquo;foreign source&amp;rdquo; is defined as a company that has &amp;ldquo;more than one-half of the nominal value of its share capital held&amp;rdquo; by &amp;ldquo;corporations incorporated in a foreign country or territory&amp;rdquo;. By that definition, the Delhi High Court ruled, multiple donations from the London-based natural resources giant Vedanta (among a few others) provided to both parties ran afoul of the law on the books.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Caught red-handed by the court and referred to the Election Commission for punitive action, the two national parties got creative. In 2016, under the cover of darkness, the present Finance Minister inserted another seemingly routine clause into that year&amp;rsquo;s Finance Bill, retroactively amending the 2010 FCRA law in order to redefine what a &amp;ldquo;foreign source&amp;rdquo; actually is.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://theprint.in/2018/02/06/dont-believe-the-bjp-and-congress-claims-that-theyre-cleaning-up-poll-funding/&quot; title=&quot;https://theprint.in/2018/02/06/dont-believe-the-bjp-and-congress-claims-that-theyre-cleaning-up-poll-funding/&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;&#039;
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                <strong>Don&#039;t believe the BJP and Congress claims that they&#039;re cleaning up poll funding -Milan Vaishnav</strong></h1>
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                <div align="justify">-ThePrint.in<br /><br /><em>The larger lesson is clear: in an era when the Congress &amp; the BJP can agree on next to nothing, they will gladly join hands to save their own skin.<br /></em><br />Among all the talk of the aam aadmi focus emerging from last week&rsquo;s Budget, many people may have missed one of its most self-serving acts. This manoeuvre found no mention in the Union Finance Minister&rsquo;s presentation itself, but was instead buried in innocuous-sounding legalese contained in the draft Finance Bill tabled by the government. It is a mere 34 words placed on page 52, Part XIX, Section 217. The offending section reads:<br /><br />In the Finance Act, 2016, in section 236, in the opening paragraph, for the words, figures and letters &ldquo;the 26th September, 2010&rdquo;, the words, figures and letters &ldquo;the 5th August, 1976&rdquo; shall be substituted.<br /><br />This humdrum language sounds innocent enough&mdash;hardly worthy of further comment, unless, of course, you are a chartered accountant. And that superficial mundanity is precisely the point. But, look beneath the surface and these approximately three-dozen words are the latest stunt in a multi-year, subterranean effort to rewrite India&rsquo;s election finance rules.<br /><br />As with the recent introduction of electoral bonds, a new instrument that legalises opacity in political giving, India&rsquo;s election finance regime&mdash;never particularly robust to begin with&mdash;is rapidly hurtling backwards. Don&rsquo;t look to the opposition to come to the rescue, however, for it is implicated as well.<br /><br />The origins of the present tamasha date back to 2014, when the Delhi High Court issued an order that found both the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its principal rival, the Indian National Congress, guilty of accepting donations from foreign corporations. Under the terms of Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act 2010 (FCRA), a &ldquo;foreign source&rdquo; is defined as a company that has &ldquo;more than one-half of the nominal value of its share capital held&rdquo; by &ldquo;corporations incorporated in a foreign country or territory&rdquo;. By that definition, the Delhi High Court ruled, multiple donations from the London-based natural resources giant Vedanta (among a few others) provided to both parties ran afoul of the law on the books.<br /><br />Caught red-handed by the court and referred to the Election Commission for punitive action, the two national parties got creative. In 2016, under the cover of darkness, the present Finance Minister inserted another seemingly routine clause into that year&rsquo;s Finance Bill, retroactively amending the 2010 FCRA law in order to redefine what a &ldquo;foreign source&rdquo; actually is.<br /><br />Please <a href="https://theprint.in/2018/02/06/dont-believe-the-bjp-and-congress-claims-that-theyre-cleaning-up-poll-funding/" title="https://theprint.in/2018/02/06/dont-believe-the-bjp-and-congress-claims-that-theyre-cleaning-up-poll-funding/">click here</a> to read more. <br /></div>               </font>
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-ThePrint.in<br />
<br />
<em>The larger lesson is clear: in an era when the Congress &amp; the BJP can agree on next to nothing, they will gladly join hands to save their own skin.<br />
</em><br />
Among all the talk of the aam aadmi focus emerging from last week&rsquo;s Budget, many people may have missed one of its most self-serving acts. This manoeuvre found no mention in the Union Finance Minister&rsquo;s presentation itself, but was instead buried in innocuous-sounding legalese contained in the draft Finance Bill tabled by the government. It is a mere 34 words placed on page 52, Part XIX, Section 217. The offending section reads:<br />
<br />
In the Finance Act, 2016, in section 236, in the opening paragraph, for the words, figures and letters &ldquo;the 26th September, 2010&rdquo;, the words, figures and letters &ldquo;the 5th August, 1976&rdquo; shall be substituted.<br />
<br />
This humdrum language sounds innocent enough&mdash;hardly worthy of further comment, unless, of course, you are a chartered accountant. And that superficial mundanity is precisely the point. But, look beneath the surface and these approximately three-dozen words are the latest stunt in a multi-year, subterranean effort to rewrite India&rsquo;s election finance rules.<br />
<br />
As with the recent introduction of electoral bonds, a new instrument that legalises opacity in political giving, India&rsquo;s election finance regime&mdash;never particularly robust to begin with&mdash;is rapidly hurtling backwards. Don&rsquo;t look to the opposition to come to the rescue, however, for it is implicated as well.<br />
<br />
The origins of the present tamasha date back to 2014, when the Delhi High Court issued an order that found both the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its principal rival, the Indian National Congress, guilty of accepting donations from foreign corporations. Under the terms of Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act 2010 (FCRA), a &ldquo;foreign source&rdquo; is defined as a company that has &ldquo;more than one-half of the nominal value of its share capital held&rdquo; by &ldquo;corporations incorporated in a foreign country or territory&rdquo;. By that definition, the Delhi High Court ruled, multiple donations from the London-based natural resources giant Vedanta (among a few others) provided to both parties ran afoul of the law on the books.<br />
<br />
Caught red-handed by the court and referred to the Election Commission for punitive action, the two national parties got creative. In 2016, under the cover of darkness, the present Finance Minister inserted another seemingly routine clause into that year&rsquo;s Finance Bill, retroactively amending the 2010 FCRA law in order to redefine what a &ldquo;foreign source&rdquo; actually is.<br />
<br />
Please <a href="https://theprint.in/2018/02/06/dont-believe-the-bjp-and-congress-claims-that-theyre-cleaning-up-poll-funding/">click here</a> to read more. <br />
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-ThePrint.in

The larger lesson is clear: in an era when the Congress &amp; the BJP can agree on next to nothing, they will gladly join hands to save their own skin.

Among all the talk of the aam aadmi focus emerging from...',
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	'title' => 'Don&#039;t believe the BJP and Congress claims that they&#039;re cleaning up poll funding -Milan Vaishnav',
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-ThePrint.in<br />
<br />
<em>The larger lesson is clear: in an era when the Congress &amp; the BJP can agree on next to nothing, they will gladly join hands to save their own skin.<br />
</em><br />
Among all the talk of the aam aadmi focus emerging from last week&rsquo;s Budget, many people may have missed one of its most self-serving acts. This manoeuvre found no mention in the Union Finance Minister&rsquo;s presentation itself, but was instead buried in innocuous-sounding legalese contained in the draft Finance Bill tabled by the government. It is a mere 34 words placed on page 52, Part XIX, Section 217. The offending section reads:<br />
<br />
In the Finance Act, 2016, in section 236, in the opening paragraph, for the words, figures and letters &ldquo;the 26th September, 2010&rdquo;, the words, figures and letters &ldquo;the 5th August, 1976&rdquo; shall be substituted.<br />
<br />
This humdrum language sounds innocent enough&mdash;hardly worthy of further comment, unless, of course, you are a chartered accountant. And that superficial mundanity is precisely the point. But, look beneath the surface and these approximately three-dozen words are the latest stunt in a multi-year, subterranean effort to rewrite India&rsquo;s election finance rules.<br />
<br />
As with the recent introduction of electoral bonds, a new instrument that legalises opacity in political giving, India&rsquo;s election finance regime&mdash;never particularly robust to begin with&mdash;is rapidly hurtling backwards. Don&rsquo;t look to the opposition to come to the rescue, however, for it is implicated as well.<br />
<br />
The origins of the present tamasha date back to 2014, when the Delhi High Court issued an order that found both the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its principal rival, the Indian National Congress, guilty of accepting donations from foreign corporations. Under the terms of Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act 2010 (FCRA), a &ldquo;foreign source&rdquo; is defined as a company that has &ldquo;more than one-half of the nominal value of its share capital held&rdquo; by &ldquo;corporations incorporated in a foreign country or territory&rdquo;. By that definition, the Delhi High Court ruled, multiple donations from the London-based natural resources giant Vedanta (among a few others) provided to both parties ran afoul of the law on the books.<br />
<br />
Caught red-handed by the court and referred to the Election Commission for punitive action, the two national parties got creative. In 2016, under the cover of darkness, the present Finance Minister inserted another seemingly routine clause into that year&rsquo;s Finance Bill, retroactively amending the 2010 FCRA law in order to redefine what a &ldquo;foreign source&rdquo; actually is.<br />
<br />
Please <a href="https://theprint.in/2018/02/06/dont-believe-the-bjp-and-congress-claims-that-theyre-cleaning-up-poll-funding/">click here</a> to read more. <br />
</div>',
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The larger lesson is clear: in an era when the Congress &amp; the BJP can agree on next to nothing, they will gladly join hands to save their own skin.

Among all the talk of the aam aadmi focus emerging from...'
$disp = '<div align="justify">-ThePrint.in<br /><br /><em>The larger lesson is clear: in an era when the Congress &amp; the BJP can agree on next to nothing, they will gladly join hands to save their own skin.<br /></em><br />Among all the talk of the aam aadmi focus emerging from last week&rsquo;s Budget, many people may have missed one of its most self-serving acts. This manoeuvre found no mention in the Union Finance Minister&rsquo;s presentation itself, but was instead buried in innocuous-sounding legalese contained in the draft Finance Bill tabled by the government. It is a mere 34 words placed on page 52, Part XIX, Section 217. The offending section reads:<br /><br />In the Finance Act, 2016, in section 236, in the opening paragraph, for the words, figures and letters &ldquo;the 26th September, 2010&rdquo;, the words, figures and letters &ldquo;the 5th August, 1976&rdquo; shall be substituted.<br /><br />This humdrum language sounds innocent enough&mdash;hardly worthy of further comment, unless, of course, you are a chartered accountant. And that superficial mundanity is precisely the point. But, look beneath the surface and these approximately three-dozen words are the latest stunt in a multi-year, subterranean effort to rewrite India&rsquo;s election finance rules.<br /><br />As with the recent introduction of electoral bonds, a new instrument that legalises opacity in political giving, India&rsquo;s election finance regime&mdash;never particularly robust to begin with&mdash;is rapidly hurtling backwards. Don&rsquo;t look to the opposition to come to the rescue, however, for it is implicated as well.<br /><br />The origins of the present tamasha date back to 2014, when the Delhi High Court issued an order that found both the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its principal rival, the Indian National Congress, guilty of accepting donations from foreign corporations. Under the terms of Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act 2010 (FCRA), a &ldquo;foreign source&rdquo; is defined as a company that has &ldquo;more than one-half of the nominal value of its share capital held&rdquo; by &ldquo;corporations incorporated in a foreign country or territory&rdquo;. By that definition, the Delhi High Court ruled, multiple donations from the London-based natural resources giant Vedanta (among a few others) provided to both parties ran afoul of the law on the books.<br /><br />Caught red-handed by the court and referred to the Election Commission for punitive action, the two national parties got creative. In 2016, under the cover of darkness, the present Finance Minister inserted another seemingly routine clause into that year&rsquo;s Finance Bill, retroactively amending the 2010 FCRA law in order to redefine what a &ldquo;foreign source&rdquo; actually is.<br /><br />Please <a href="https://theprint.in/2018/02/06/dont-believe-the-bjp-and-congress-claims-that-theyre-cleaning-up-poll-funding/" title="https://theprint.in/2018/02/06/dont-believe-the-bjp-and-congress-claims-that-theyre-cleaning-up-poll-funding/">click here</a> to read more. <br /></div>'
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Don't believe the BJP and Congress claims that they're cleaning up poll funding -Milan Vaishnav

-ThePrint.in The larger lesson is clear: in an era when the Congress & the BJP can agree on next to nothing, they will gladly join hands to save their own skin. Among all the talk of the aam aadmi focus emerging from last week’s Budget, many people may have missed one of its most self-serving acts. This manoeuvre found no mention in the Union Finance Minister’s presentation itself, but was instead buried in innocuous-sounding legalese contained in the draft Finance Bill tabled by the government. It is a mere 34 words placed on page 52, Part XIX, Section 217. The offending section reads: In the Finance Act, 2016, in section 236, in the opening paragraph, for the words, figures and letters “the 26th September, 2010”, the words, figures and letters “the 5th August, 1976” shall be substituted. This humdrum language sounds innocent enough—hardly worthy of further comment, unless, of course, you are a chartered accountant. And that superficial mundanity is precisely the point. But, look beneath the surface and these approximately three-dozen words are the latest stunt in a multi-year, subterranean effort to rewrite India’s election finance rules. As with the recent introduction of electoral bonds, a new instrument that legalises opacity in political giving, India’s election finance regime—never particularly robust to begin with—is rapidly hurtling backwards. Don’t look to the opposition to come to the rescue, however, for it is implicated as well. The origins of the present tamasha date back to 2014, when the Delhi High Court issued an order that found both the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its principal rival, the Indian National Congress, guilty of accepting donations from foreign corporations. Under the terms of Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act 2010 (FCRA), a “foreign source” is defined as a company that has “more than one-half of the nominal value of its share capital held” by “corporations incorporated in a foreign country or territory”. By that definition, the Delhi High Court ruled, multiple donations from the London-based natural resources giant Vedanta (among a few others) provided to both parties ran afoul of the law on the books. Caught red-handed by the court and referred to the Election Commission for punitive action, the two national parties got creative. In 2016, under the cover of darkness, the present Finance Minister inserted another seemingly routine clause into that year’s Finance Bill, retroactively amending the 2010 FCRA law in order to redefine what a “foreign source” actually is. Please click here to read more.