Deprecated (16384): The ArrayAccess methods will be removed in 4.0.0.Use getParam(), getData() and getQuery() instead. - /home/brlfuser/public_html/src/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line: 73
 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php. [CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311]
Code Context


        trigger_error($message, E_USER_DEPRECATED);

    }
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 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php.'
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deprecationWarning - CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311
Cake\Http\ServerRequest::offsetGet() - CORE/src/Http/ServerRequest.php, line 2421
App\Controller\ArtileDetailController::printArticle() - APP/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line 73
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Cake\Http\ActionDispatcher::_invoke() - CORE/src/Http/ActionDispatcher.php, line 120
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Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
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Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Error\Middleware\ErrorHandlerMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Error/Middleware/ErrorHandlerMiddleware.php, line 96
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Http\Runner::run() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 51
Cake\Http\Server::run() - CORE/src/Http/Server.php, line 98

Deprecated (16384): The ArrayAccess methods will be removed in 4.0.0.Use getParam(), getData() and getQuery() instead. - /home/brlfuser/public_html/src/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line: 74
 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php. [CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311]
Code Context


        trigger_error($message, E_USER_DEPRECATED);

    }
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 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php.'
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deprecationWarning - CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311
Cake\Http\ServerRequest::offsetGet() - CORE/src/Http/ServerRequest.php, line 2421
App\Controller\ArtileDetailController::printArticle() - APP/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line 74
Cake\Controller\Controller::invokeAction() - CORE/src/Controller/Controller.php, line 610
Cake\Http\ActionDispatcher::_invoke() - CORE/src/Http/ActionDispatcher.php, line 120
Cake\Http\ActionDispatcher::dispatch() - CORE/src/Http/ActionDispatcher.php, line 94
Cake\Http\BaseApplication::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/BaseApplication.php, line 235
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Routing\Middleware\RoutingMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Routing/Middleware/RoutingMiddleware.php, line 162
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Routing\Middleware\AssetMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Routing/Middleware/AssetMiddleware.php, line 88
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Error\Middleware\ErrorHandlerMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Error/Middleware/ErrorHandlerMiddleware.php, line 96
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Http\Runner::run() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 51
Cake\Http\Server::run() - CORE/src/Http/Server.php, line 98

Warning (512): Unable to emit headers. Headers sent in file=/home/brlfuser/public_html/vendor/cakephp/cakephp/src/Error/Debugger.php line=853 [CORE/src/Http/ResponseEmitter.php, line 48]
Code Context
            if (Configure::read('debug')) {

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    <link rel="canonical" href="https://im4change.in/<pre class="cake-error"><a href="javascript:void(0);" onclick="document.getElementById('cakeErr67ef7c545d940-trace').style.display = (document.getElementById('cakeErr67ef7c545d940-trace').style.display == 'none' ? '' : 'none');"><b>Notice</b> (8)</a>: Undefined variable: urlPrefix [<b>APP/Template/Layout/printlayout.ctp</b>, line <b>8</b>]<div id="cakeErr67ef7c545d940-trace" class="cake-stack-trace" style="display: none;"><a href="javascript:void(0);" onclick="document.getElementById('cakeErr67ef7c545d940-code').style.display = (document.getElementById('cakeErr67ef7c545d940-code').style.display == 'none' ? '' : 'none')">Code</a> <a href="javascript:void(0);" onclick="document.getElementById('cakeErr67ef7c545d940-context').style.display = (document.getElementById('cakeErr67ef7c545d940-context').style.display == 'none' ? '' : 'none')">Context</a><pre id="cakeErr67ef7c545d940-code" class="cake-code-dump" style="display: none;"><code><span style="color: #000000"><span style="color: #0000BB"></span><span style="color: #007700">&lt;</span><span style="color: #0000BB">head</span><span style="color: #007700">&gt;
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The movement around Anna Hazare&#039;s fast highlights a worrying trend. No, it&#039;s not corruption. That we know. The worry is: Is Indian democracy in a state of decay? &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Democracy in this largest of all democratic nations seems to be working fine at first glance. We vote regularly and throw out parties in power when a majority wants change. We have a free press. We have an independent judiciary. But there&#039;s a lot that happens in the way we conduct our political life in between elections that is deeply disturbing. Citizens of a truly liberal democracy - there&#039;s no other kind, don&#039;t let anyone fool you - must demonstrate their understanding, popular acceptance and daily practice of democratic behaviour in the interlude between elections. Do we? &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Anna Hazare&#039;s fast-unto-death is a clear instance of misunderstood democracy. He and his supporters believe it is quite democratic of him to either get his way or commit suicide. No, it&#039;s not. Suicide is against the law in this demo-cracy; so is any threat to commit violence, even to oneself, if you don&#039;t get your way. That&#039;s blackmail. Citing Gandhi in support of fasts is misconceived. The great man fasted against imperial rule in an undemocratic society. A democracy, on the other hand, offers several channels to express grievance legitimately. For Gandhi, fasting fitted well into his framework of civil disobedience. He worked against the law as it then prevailed. Today, fasting, often in &#039;relay&#039; style, has become political farce in India. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Hazare&#039;s supporters, however, have every right to march in their thousands, to raise people&#039;s consciousness about corruption, to carry candles or play guitars while singing protest songs mimicking a Bob Dylan or a Pete Seeger, and to rage against the government through the media. But are they right in demanding an acceptance of Hazare&#039;s call for a supremely autonomous ombudsman to fight corruption? No. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Imagining an end to corruption by making a Lokpal sit in judgment over everyone, including Parliament and the judiciary, is not just undemocratic under India&#039;s Constitution, it is a silly idea. India is one of the most corrupt nations on earth not because it doesn&#039;t have enough regulatory bodies to catch a thief; it in fact has too many points of bureaucratic and political power that are lucrative checkpoints for the corrupt. Creating an unaccountable ombudsman will add another such check post unless you believe, like Hazare, that Gandhian purity can keep the Lokpal&#039;s office forever clean. Fighting corruption should mean fewer checkpoints, not more. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
To fight corruption, citizens have to target protests in order to force reform in specific areas instead of blasting broadsides against general corruption. We didn&#039;t wake up to find this cancer in our system because Dr Hazare suddenly said we were sick. We sat up when a huge telecom scandal was uncovered through investigation by regular arms of the democratic system, including Parliament and the press. That scandal underscores how urgently we need to reform our system of political funding, including campaign finance for electioneering, to stop politicians in power from doling out favours in return for cash they received from vested interests. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Every arm of democracy must become stronger if India has to confront corruption. Mobilisation for change should, for instance, aim to force Parliament actually to sit in session, debate and pass legislation. We have a Parliament that barely functions. Like fasts, another effete tool of protest is used by whichever party is in opposition, and that&#039;s the infamous walkout. It has been so overplayed that it&#039;s lost all potency. Storming the well of the House to stop proceedings for days is similarly idiotic. Our politicians and MPs must relearn effective democratic practice in the modern era and discard the tools of opposition they inherited from a past generation of leaders. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Another sign of democratic decay and a reason why corruption can spread so malignantly through our national system is a fast weakening accountability of public officials and politicians. That&#039;s happening largely because India&#039;s judiciary is so clogged up and grossly inefficient that citizens have little faith in its capacity to deliver justice to reinforce the foundations of public accountability. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Accountability is one of the twin pillars, along with transparency, that uphold good governance. With a free press and a Right to Information Act available for use by the ordinary citizen, transparency is not all that bad in our system even as bureaucratic opacity continues to hinder openness. But accountability degenerates by the day. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
These are some areas that must get fierce attention from the expanding and increasingly assertive urban middle class if real reform is to happen. Instead, what we see is the sad spectacle of an aged Gandhian engaged in a futile fast against evil. His purpose is noble. His method and demand are not. There are other ways to fight. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;The writer is a former executive editor of this newspaper. &lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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The movement around Anna Hazare&#039;s fast highlights a worrying trend. No, it&#039;s not corruption. That we know. The worry is: Is Indian democracy in a state of decay? 

Democracy in this largest of all democratic nations seems to be working...&#039;,
	&#039;disp&#039; =&gt; &#039;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;The movement around Anna Hazare&#039;s fast highlights a worrying trend. No, it&#039;s not corruption. That we know. The worry is: Is Indian democracy in a state of decay? &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Democracy in this largest of all democratic nations seems to be working fine at first glance. We vote regularly and throw out parties in power when a majority wants change. We have a free press. We have an independent judiciary. But there&#039;s a lot that happens in the way we conduct our political life in between elections that is deeply disturbing. Citizens of a truly liberal democracy - there&#039;s no other kind, don&#039;t let anyone fool you - must demonstrate their understanding, popular acceptance and daily practice of democratic behaviour in the interlude between elections. Do we? &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Anna Hazare&#039;s fast-unto-death is a clear instance of misunderstood democracy. He and his supporters believe it is quite democratic of him to either get his way or commit suicide. No, it&#039;s not. Suicide is against the law in this demo-cracy; so is any threat to commit violence, even to oneself, if you don&#039;t get your way. That&#039;s blackmail. Citing Gandhi in support of fasts is misconceived. The great man fasted against imperial rule in an undemocratic society. A democracy, on the other hand, offers several channels to express grievance legitimately. For Gandhi, fasting fitted well into his framework of civil disobedience. He worked against the law as it then prevailed. Today, fasting, often in &#039;relay&#039; style, has become political farce in India. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Hazare&#039;s supporters, however, have every right to march in their thousands, to raise people&#039;s consciousness about corruption, to carry candles or play guitars while singing protest songs mimicking a Bob Dylan or a Pete Seeger, and to rage against the government through the media. But are they right in demanding an acceptance of Hazare&#039;s call for a supremely autonomous ombudsman to fight corruption? No. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Imagining an end to corruption by making a Lokpal sit in judgment over everyone, including Parliament and the judiciary, is not just undemocratic under India&#039;s Constitution, it is a silly idea. India is one of the most corrupt nations on earth not because it doesn&#039;t have enough regulatory bodies to catch a thief; it in fact has too many points of bureaucratic and political power that are lucrative checkpoints for the corrupt. Creating an unaccountable ombudsman will add another such check post unless you believe, like Hazare, that Gandhian purity can keep the Lokpal&#039;s office forever clean. Fighting corruption should mean fewer checkpoints, not more. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;To fight corruption, citizens have to target protests in order to force reform in specific areas instead of blasting broadsides against general corruption. We didn&#039;t wake up to find this cancer in our system because Dr Hazare suddenly said we were sick. We sat up when a huge telecom scandal was uncovered through investigation by regular arms of the democratic system, including Parliament and the press. That scandal underscores how urgently we need to reform our system of political funding, including campaign finance for electioneering, to stop politicians in power from doling out favours in return for cash they received from vested interests. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Every arm of democracy must become stronger if India has to confront corruption. Mobilisation for change should, for instance, aim to force Parliament actually to sit in session, debate and pass legislation. We have a Parliament that barely functions. Like fasts, another effete tool of protest is used by whichever party is in opposition, and that&#039;s the infamous walkout. It has been so overplayed that it&#039;s lost all potency. Storming the well of the House to stop proceedings for days is similarly idiotic. Our politicians and MPs must relearn effective democratic practice in the modern era and discard the tools of opposition they inherited from a past generation of leaders. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Another sign of democratic decay and a reason why corruption can spread so malignantly through our national system is a fast weakening accountability of public officials and politicians. That&#039;s happening largely because India&#039;s judiciary is so clogged up and grossly inefficient that citizens have little faith in its capacity to deliver justice to reinforce the foundations of public accountability. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Accountability is one of the twin pillars, along with transparency, that uphold good governance. With a free press and a Right to Information Act available for use by the ordinary citizen, transparency is not all that bad in our system even as bureaucratic opacity continues to hinder openness. But accountability degenerates by the day. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;These are some areas that must get fierce attention from the expanding and increasingly assertive urban middle class if real reform is to happen. Instead, what we see is the sad spectacle of an aged Gandhian engaged in a futile fast against evil. His purpose is noble. His method and demand are not. There are other ways to fight. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;The writer is a former executive editor of this newspaper. &lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;&#039;,
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The movement around Anna Hazare&#039;s fast highlights a worrying trend. No, it&#039;s not corruption. That we know. The worry is: Is Indian democracy in a state of decay? &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Democracy in this largest of all democratic nations seems to be working fine at first glance. We vote regularly and throw out parties in power when a majority wants change. We have a free press. We have an independent judiciary. But there&#039;s a lot that happens in the way we conduct our political life in between elections that is deeply disturbing. Citizens of a truly liberal democracy - there&#039;s no other kind, don&#039;t let anyone fool you - must demonstrate their understanding, popular acceptance and daily practice of democratic behaviour in the interlude between elections. Do we? &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Anna Hazare&#039;s fast-unto-death is a clear instance of misunderstood democracy. He and his supporters believe it is quite democratic of him to either get his way or commit suicide. No, it&#039;s not. Suicide is against the law in this demo-cracy; so is any threat to commit violence, even to oneself, if you don&#039;t get your way. That&#039;s blackmail. Citing Gandhi in support of fasts is misconceived. The great man fasted against imperial rule in an undemocratic society. A democracy, on the other hand, offers several channels to express grievance legitimately. For Gandhi, fasting fitted well into his framework of civil disobedience. He worked against the law as it then prevailed. Today, fasting, often in &#039;relay&#039; style, has become political farce in India. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Hazare&#039;s supporters, however, have every right to march in their thousands, to raise people&#039;s consciousness about corruption, to carry candles or play guitars while singing protest songs mimicking a Bob Dylan or a Pete Seeger, and to rage against the government through the media. But are they right in demanding an acceptance of Hazare&#039;s call for a supremely autonomous ombudsman to fight corruption? No. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Imagining an end to corruption by making a Lokpal sit in judgment over everyone, including Parliament and the judiciary, is not just undemocratic under India&#039;s Constitution, it is a silly idea. India is one of the most corrupt nations on earth not because it doesn&#039;t have enough regulatory bodies to catch a thief; it in fact has too many points of bureaucratic and political power that are lucrative checkpoints for the corrupt. Creating an unaccountable ombudsman will add another such check post unless you believe, like Hazare, that Gandhian purity can keep the Lokpal&#039;s office forever clean. Fighting corruption should mean fewer checkpoints, not more. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
To fight corruption, citizens have to target protests in order to force reform in specific areas instead of blasting broadsides against general corruption. We didn&#039;t wake up to find this cancer in our system because Dr Hazare suddenly said we were sick. We sat up when a huge telecom scandal was uncovered through investigation by regular arms of the democratic system, including Parliament and the press. That scandal underscores how urgently we need to reform our system of political funding, including campaign finance for electioneering, to stop politicians in power from doling out favours in return for cash they received from vested interests. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Every arm of democracy must become stronger if India has to confront corruption. Mobilisation for change should, for instance, aim to force Parliament actually to sit in session, debate and pass legislation. We have a Parliament that barely functions. Like fasts, another effete tool of protest is used by whichever party is in opposition, and that&#039;s the infamous walkout. It has been so overplayed that it&#039;s lost all potency. Storming the well of the House to stop proceedings for days is similarly idiotic. Our politicians and MPs must relearn effective democratic practice in the modern era and discard the tools of opposition they inherited from a past generation of leaders. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Another sign of democratic decay and a reason why corruption can spread so malignantly through our national system is a fast weakening accountability of public officials and politicians. That&#039;s happening largely because India&#039;s judiciary is so clogged up and grossly inefficient that citizens have little faith in its capacity to deliver justice to reinforce the foundations of public accountability. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Accountability is one of the twin pillars, along with transparency, that uphold good governance. With a free press and a Right to Information Act available for use by the ordinary citizen, transparency is not all that bad in our system even as bureaucratic opacity continues to hinder openness. But accountability degenerates by the day. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
These are some areas that must get fierce attention from the expanding and increasingly assertive urban middle class if real reform is to happen. Instead, what we see is the sad spectacle of an aged Gandhian engaged in a futile fast against evil. His purpose is noble. His method and demand are not. There are other ways to fight. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;The writer is a former executive editor of this newspaper. &lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;&#039;,
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The movement around Anna Hazare&#039;s fast highlights a worrying trend. No, it&#039;s not corruption. That we know. The worry is: Is Indian democracy in a state of decay? 

Democracy in this largest of all democratic nations seems to be working...&#039;
$disp = &#039;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;The movement around Anna Hazare&#039;s fast highlights a worrying trend. No, it&#039;s not corruption. That we know. The worry is: Is Indian democracy in a state of decay? &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Democracy in this largest of all democratic nations seems to be working fine at first glance. We vote regularly and throw out parties in power when a majority wants change. We have a free press. We have an independent judiciary. But there&#039;s a lot that happens in the way we conduct our political life in between elections that is deeply disturbing. Citizens of a truly liberal democracy - there&#039;s no other kind, don&#039;t let anyone fool you - must demonstrate their understanding, popular acceptance and daily practice of democratic behaviour in the interlude between elections. Do we? &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Anna Hazare&#039;s fast-unto-death is a clear instance of misunderstood democracy. He and his supporters believe it is quite democratic of him to either get his way or commit suicide. No, it&#039;s not. Suicide is against the law in this demo-cracy; so is any threat to commit violence, even to oneself, if you don&#039;t get your way. That&#039;s blackmail. Citing Gandhi in support of fasts is misconceived. The great man fasted against imperial rule in an undemocratic society. A democracy, on the other hand, offers several channels to express grievance legitimately. For Gandhi, fasting fitted well into his framework of civil disobedience. He worked against the law as it then prevailed. Today, fasting, often in &#039;relay&#039; style, has become political farce in India. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Hazare&#039;s supporters, however, have every right to march in their thousands, to raise people&#039;s consciousness about corruption, to carry candles or play guitars while singing protest songs mimicking a Bob Dylan or a Pete Seeger, and to rage against the government through the media. But are they right in demanding an acceptance of Hazare&#039;s call for a supremely autonomous ombudsman to fight corruption? No. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Imagining an end to corruption by making a Lokpal sit in judgment over everyone, including Parliament and the judiciary, is not just undemocratic under India&#039;s Constitution, it is a silly idea. India is one of the most corrupt nations on earth not because it doesn&#039;t have enough regulatory bodies to catch a thief; it in fact has too many points of bureaucratic and political power that are lucrative checkpoints for the corrupt. Creating an unaccountable ombudsman will add another such check post unless you believe, like Hazare, that Gandhian purity can keep the Lokpal&#039;s office forever clean. Fighting corruption should mean fewer checkpoints, not more. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;To fight corruption, citizens have to target protests in order to force reform in specific areas instead of blasting broadsides against general corruption. We didn&#039;t wake up to find this cancer in our system because Dr Hazare suddenly said we were sick. We sat up when a huge telecom scandal was uncovered through investigation by regular arms of the democratic system, including Parliament and the press. That scandal underscores how urgently we need to reform our system of political funding, including campaign finance for electioneering, to stop politicians in power from doling out favours in return for cash they received from vested interests. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Every arm of democracy must become stronger if India has to confront corruption. Mobilisation for change should, for instance, aim to force Parliament actually to sit in session, debate and pass legislation. We have a Parliament that barely functions. Like fasts, another effete tool of protest is used by whichever party is in opposition, and that&#039;s the infamous walkout. It has been so overplayed that it&#039;s lost all potency. Storming the well of the House to stop proceedings for days is similarly idiotic. Our politicians and MPs must relearn effective democratic practice in the modern era and discard the tools of opposition they inherited from a past generation of leaders. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Another sign of democratic decay and a reason why corruption can spread so malignantly through our national system is a fast weakening accountability of public officials and politicians. That&#039;s happening largely because India&#039;s judiciary is so clogged up and grossly inefficient that citizens have little faith in its capacity to deliver justice to reinforce the foundations of public accountability. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Accountability is one of the twin pillars, along with transparency, that uphold good governance. With a free press and a Right to Information Act available for use by the ordinary citizen, transparency is not all that bad in our system even as bureaucratic opacity continues to hinder openness. But accountability degenerates by the day. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;These are some areas that must get fierce attention from the expanding and increasingly assertive urban middle class if real reform is to happen. Instead, what we see is the sad spectacle of an aged Gandhian engaged in a futile fast against evil. His purpose is noble. His method and demand are not. There are other ways to fight. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;The writer is a former executive editor of this newspaper. &lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;&#039;
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                <strong>Fasting as democracy decays by Gautam Adhikari</strong></h1>
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                <br /><div align="justify">The movement around Anna Hazare's fast highlights a worrying trend. No, it's not corruption. That we know. The worry is: Is Indian democracy in a state of decay? <br /><br />Democracy in this largest of all democratic nations seems to be working fine at first glance. We vote regularly and throw out parties in power when a majority wants change. We have a free press. We have an independent judiciary. But there's a lot that happens in the way we conduct our political life in between elections that is deeply disturbing. Citizens of a truly liberal democracy - there's no other kind, don't let anyone fool you - must demonstrate their understanding, popular acceptance and daily practice of democratic behaviour in the interlude between elections. Do we? <br /><br />Anna Hazare's fast-unto-death is a clear instance of misunderstood democracy. He and his supporters believe it is quite democratic of him to either get his way or commit suicide. No, it's not. Suicide is against the law in this demo-cracy; so is any threat to commit violence, even to oneself, if you don't get your way. That's blackmail. Citing Gandhi in support of fasts is misconceived. The great man fasted against imperial rule in an undemocratic society. A democracy, on the other hand, offers several channels to express grievance legitimately. For Gandhi, fasting fitted well into his framework of civil disobedience. He worked against the law as it then prevailed. Today, fasting, often in 'relay' style, has become political farce in India. <br /><br />Hazare's supporters, however, have every right to march in their thousands, to raise people's consciousness about corruption, to carry candles or play guitars while singing protest songs mimicking a Bob Dylan or a Pete Seeger, and to rage against the government through the media. But are they right in demanding an acceptance of Hazare's call for a supremely autonomous ombudsman to fight corruption? No. <br /><br />Imagining an end to corruption by making a Lokpal sit in judgment over everyone, including Parliament and the judiciary, is not just undemocratic under India's Constitution, it is a silly idea. India is one of the most corrupt nations on earth not because it doesn't have enough regulatory bodies to catch a thief; it in fact has too many points of bureaucratic and political power that are lucrative checkpoints for the corrupt. Creating an unaccountable ombudsman will add another such check post unless you believe, like Hazare, that Gandhian purity can keep the Lokpal's office forever clean. Fighting corruption should mean fewer checkpoints, not more. <br /><br />To fight corruption, citizens have to target protests in order to force reform in specific areas instead of blasting broadsides against general corruption. We didn't wake up to find this cancer in our system because Dr Hazare suddenly said we were sick. We sat up when a huge telecom scandal was uncovered through investigation by regular arms of the democratic system, including Parliament and the press. That scandal underscores how urgently we need to reform our system of political funding, including campaign finance for electioneering, to stop politicians in power from doling out favours in return for cash they received from vested interests. <br /><br />Every arm of democracy must become stronger if India has to confront corruption. Mobilisation for change should, for instance, aim to force Parliament actually to sit in session, debate and pass legislation. We have a Parliament that barely functions. Like fasts, another effete tool of protest is used by whichever party is in opposition, and that's the infamous walkout. It has been so overplayed that it's lost all potency. Storming the well of the House to stop proceedings for days is similarly idiotic. Our politicians and MPs must relearn effective democratic practice in the modern era and discard the tools of opposition they inherited from a past generation of leaders. <br /><br />Another sign of democratic decay and a reason why corruption can spread so malignantly through our national system is a fast weakening accountability of public officials and politicians. That's happening largely because India's judiciary is so clogged up and grossly inefficient that citizens have little faith in its capacity to deliver justice to reinforce the foundations of public accountability. <br /><br />Accountability is one of the twin pillars, along with transparency, that uphold good governance. With a free press and a Right to Information Act available for use by the ordinary citizen, transparency is not all that bad in our system even as bureaucratic opacity continues to hinder openness. But accountability degenerates by the day. <br /><br />These are some areas that must get fierce attention from the expanding and increasingly assertive urban middle class if real reform is to happen. Instead, what we see is the sad spectacle of an aged Gandhian engaged in a futile fast against evil. His purpose is noble. His method and demand are not. There are other ways to fight. <br /><br /><em>The writer is a former executive editor of this newspaper. </em><br /></div>               </font>
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The movement around Anna Hazare&#039;s fast highlights a worrying trend. No, it&#039;s not corruption. That we know. The worry is: Is Indian democracy in a state of decay? &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Democracy in this largest of all democratic nations seems to be working fine at first glance. We vote regularly and throw out parties in power when a majority wants change. We have a free press. We have an independent judiciary. But there&#039;s a lot that happens in the way we conduct our political life in between elections that is deeply disturbing. Citizens of a truly liberal democracy - there&#039;s no other kind, don&#039;t let anyone fool you - must demonstrate their understanding, popular acceptance and daily practice of democratic behaviour in the interlude between elections. Do we? &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Anna Hazare&#039;s fast-unto-death is a clear instance of misunderstood democracy. He and his supporters believe it is quite democratic of him to either get his way or commit suicide. No, it&#039;s not. Suicide is against the law in this demo-cracy; so is any threat to commit violence, even to oneself, if you don&#039;t get your way. That&#039;s blackmail. Citing Gandhi in support of fasts is misconceived. The great man fasted against imperial rule in an undemocratic society. A democracy, on the other hand, offers several channels to express grievance legitimately. For Gandhi, fasting fitted well into his framework of civil disobedience. He worked against the law as it then prevailed. Today, fasting, often in &#039;relay&#039; style, has become political farce in India. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Hazare&#039;s supporters, however, have every right to march in their thousands, to raise people&#039;s consciousness about corruption, to carry candles or play guitars while singing protest songs mimicking a Bob Dylan or a Pete Seeger, and to rage against the government through the media. But are they right in demanding an acceptance of Hazare&#039;s call for a supremely autonomous ombudsman to fight corruption? No. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Imagining an end to corruption by making a Lokpal sit in judgment over everyone, including Parliament and the judiciary, is not just undemocratic under India&#039;s Constitution, it is a silly idea. India is one of the most corrupt nations on earth not because it doesn&#039;t have enough regulatory bodies to catch a thief; it in fact has too many points of bureaucratic and political power that are lucrative checkpoints for the corrupt. Creating an unaccountable ombudsman will add another such check post unless you believe, like Hazare, that Gandhian purity can keep the Lokpal&#039;s office forever clean. Fighting corruption should mean fewer checkpoints, not more. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
To fight corruption, citizens have to target protests in order to force reform in specific areas instead of blasting broadsides against general corruption. We didn&#039;t wake up to find this cancer in our system because Dr Hazare suddenly said we were sick. We sat up when a huge telecom scandal was uncovered through investigation by regular arms of the democratic system, including Parliament and the press. That scandal underscores how urgently we need to reform our system of political funding, including campaign finance for electioneering, to stop politicians in power from doling out favours in return for cash they received from vested interests. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Every arm of democracy must become stronger if India has to confront corruption. Mobilisation for change should, for instance, aim to force Parliament actually to sit in session, debate and pass legislation. We have a Parliament that barely functions. Like fasts, another effete tool of protest is used by whichever party is in opposition, and that&#039;s the infamous walkout. It has been so overplayed that it&#039;s lost all potency. Storming the well of the House to stop proceedings for days is similarly idiotic. Our politicians and MPs must relearn effective democratic practice in the modern era and discard the tools of opposition they inherited from a past generation of leaders. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Another sign of democratic decay and a reason why corruption can spread so malignantly through our national system is a fast weakening accountability of public officials and politicians. That&#039;s happening largely because India&#039;s judiciary is so clogged up and grossly inefficient that citizens have little faith in its capacity to deliver justice to reinforce the foundations of public accountability. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Accountability is one of the twin pillars, along with transparency, that uphold good governance. With a free press and a Right to Information Act available for use by the ordinary citizen, transparency is not all that bad in our system even as bureaucratic opacity continues to hinder openness. But accountability degenerates by the day. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
These are some areas that must get fierce attention from the expanding and increasingly assertive urban middle class if real reform is to happen. Instead, what we see is the sad spectacle of an aged Gandhian engaged in a futile fast against evil. His purpose is noble. His method and demand are not. There are other ways to fight. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;The writer is a former executive editor of this newspaper. &lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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The movement around Anna Hazare&#039;s fast highlights a worrying trend. No, it&#039;s not corruption. That we know. The worry is: Is Indian democracy in a state of decay? 

Democracy in this largest of all democratic nations seems to be working...&#039;,
	&#039;disp&#039; =&gt; &#039;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;The movement around Anna Hazare&#039;s fast highlights a worrying trend. No, it&#039;s not corruption. That we know. The worry is: Is Indian democracy in a state of decay? &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Democracy in this largest of all democratic nations seems to be working fine at first glance. We vote regularly and throw out parties in power when a majority wants change. We have a free press. We have an independent judiciary. But there&#039;s a lot that happens in the way we conduct our political life in between elections that is deeply disturbing. Citizens of a truly liberal democracy - there&#039;s no other kind, don&#039;t let anyone fool you - must demonstrate their understanding, popular acceptance and daily practice of democratic behaviour in the interlude between elections. Do we? &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Anna Hazare&#039;s fast-unto-death is a clear instance of misunderstood democracy. He and his supporters believe it is quite democratic of him to either get his way or commit suicide. No, it&#039;s not. Suicide is against the law in this demo-cracy; so is any threat to commit violence, even to oneself, if you don&#039;t get your way. That&#039;s blackmail. Citing Gandhi in support of fasts is misconceived. The great man fasted against imperial rule in an undemocratic society. A democracy, on the other hand, offers several channels to express grievance legitimately. For Gandhi, fasting fitted well into his framework of civil disobedience. He worked against the law as it then prevailed. Today, fasting, often in &#039;relay&#039; style, has become political farce in India. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Hazare&#039;s supporters, however, have every right to march in their thousands, to raise people&#039;s consciousness about corruption, to carry candles or play guitars while singing protest songs mimicking a Bob Dylan or a Pete Seeger, and to rage against the government through the media. But are they right in demanding an acceptance of Hazare&#039;s call for a supremely autonomous ombudsman to fight corruption? No. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Imagining an end to corruption by making a Lokpal sit in judgment over everyone, including Parliament and the judiciary, is not just undemocratic under India&#039;s Constitution, it is a silly idea. India is one of the most corrupt nations on earth not because it doesn&#039;t have enough regulatory bodies to catch a thief; it in fact has too many points of bureaucratic and political power that are lucrative checkpoints for the corrupt. Creating an unaccountable ombudsman will add another such check post unless you believe, like Hazare, that Gandhian purity can keep the Lokpal&#039;s office forever clean. Fighting corruption should mean fewer checkpoints, not more. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;To fight corruption, citizens have to target protests in order to force reform in specific areas instead of blasting broadsides against general corruption. We didn&#039;t wake up to find this cancer in our system because Dr Hazare suddenly said we were sick. We sat up when a huge telecom scandal was uncovered through investigation by regular arms of the democratic system, including Parliament and the press. That scandal underscores how urgently we need to reform our system of political funding, including campaign finance for electioneering, to stop politicians in power from doling out favours in return for cash they received from vested interests. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Every arm of democracy must become stronger if India has to confront corruption. Mobilisation for change should, for instance, aim to force Parliament actually to sit in session, debate and pass legislation. We have a Parliament that barely functions. Like fasts, another effete tool of protest is used by whichever party is in opposition, and that&#039;s the infamous walkout. It has been so overplayed that it&#039;s lost all potency. Storming the well of the House to stop proceedings for days is similarly idiotic. Our politicians and MPs must relearn effective democratic practice in the modern era and discard the tools of opposition they inherited from a past generation of leaders. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Another sign of democratic decay and a reason why corruption can spread so malignantly through our national system is a fast weakening accountability of public officials and politicians. That&#039;s happening largely because India&#039;s judiciary is so clogged up and grossly inefficient that citizens have little faith in its capacity to deliver justice to reinforce the foundations of public accountability. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Accountability is one of the twin pillars, along with transparency, that uphold good governance. With a free press and a Right to Information Act available for use by the ordinary citizen, transparency is not all that bad in our system even as bureaucratic opacity continues to hinder openness. But accountability degenerates by the day. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;These are some areas that must get fierce attention from the expanding and increasingly assertive urban middle class if real reform is to happen. Instead, what we see is the sad spectacle of an aged Gandhian engaged in a futile fast against evil. His purpose is noble. His method and demand are not. There are other ways to fight. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;The writer is a former executive editor of this newspaper. &lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;&#039;,
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The movement around Anna Hazare&#039;s fast highlights a worrying trend. No, it&#039;s not corruption. That we know. The worry is: Is Indian democracy in a state of decay? &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Democracy in this largest of all democratic nations seems to be working fine at first glance. We vote regularly and throw out parties in power when a majority wants change. We have a free press. We have an independent judiciary. But there&#039;s a lot that happens in the way we conduct our political life in between elections that is deeply disturbing. Citizens of a truly liberal democracy - there&#039;s no other kind, don&#039;t let anyone fool you - must demonstrate their understanding, popular acceptance and daily practice of democratic behaviour in the interlude between elections. Do we? &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Anna Hazare&#039;s fast-unto-death is a clear instance of misunderstood democracy. He and his supporters believe it is quite democratic of him to either get his way or commit suicide. No, it&#039;s not. Suicide is against the law in this demo-cracy; so is any threat to commit violence, even to oneself, if you don&#039;t get your way. That&#039;s blackmail. Citing Gandhi in support of fasts is misconceived. The great man fasted against imperial rule in an undemocratic society. A democracy, on the other hand, offers several channels to express grievance legitimately. For Gandhi, fasting fitted well into his framework of civil disobedience. He worked against the law as it then prevailed. Today, fasting, often in &#039;relay&#039; style, has become political farce in India. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Hazare&#039;s supporters, however, have every right to march in their thousands, to raise people&#039;s consciousness about corruption, to carry candles or play guitars while singing protest songs mimicking a Bob Dylan or a Pete Seeger, and to rage against the government through the media. But are they right in demanding an acceptance of Hazare&#039;s call for a supremely autonomous ombudsman to fight corruption? No. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Imagining an end to corruption by making a Lokpal sit in judgment over everyone, including Parliament and the judiciary, is not just undemocratic under India&#039;s Constitution, it is a silly idea. India is one of the most corrupt nations on earth not because it doesn&#039;t have enough regulatory bodies to catch a thief; it in fact has too many points of bureaucratic and political power that are lucrative checkpoints for the corrupt. Creating an unaccountable ombudsman will add another such check post unless you believe, like Hazare, that Gandhian purity can keep the Lokpal&#039;s office forever clean. Fighting corruption should mean fewer checkpoints, not more. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
To fight corruption, citizens have to target protests in order to force reform in specific areas instead of blasting broadsides against general corruption. We didn&#039;t wake up to find this cancer in our system because Dr Hazare suddenly said we were sick. We sat up when a huge telecom scandal was uncovered through investigation by regular arms of the democratic system, including Parliament and the press. That scandal underscores how urgently we need to reform our system of political funding, including campaign finance for electioneering, to stop politicians in power from doling out favours in return for cash they received from vested interests. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Every arm of democracy must become stronger if India has to confront corruption. Mobilisation for change should, for instance, aim to force Parliament actually to sit in session, debate and pass legislation. We have a Parliament that barely functions. Like fasts, another effete tool of protest is used by whichever party is in opposition, and that&#039;s the infamous walkout. It has been so overplayed that it&#039;s lost all potency. Storming the well of the House to stop proceedings for days is similarly idiotic. Our politicians and MPs must relearn effective democratic practice in the modern era and discard the tools of opposition they inherited from a past generation of leaders. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Another sign of democratic decay and a reason why corruption can spread so malignantly through our national system is a fast weakening accountability of public officials and politicians. That&#039;s happening largely because India&#039;s judiciary is so clogged up and grossly inefficient that citizens have little faith in its capacity to deliver justice to reinforce the foundations of public accountability. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Accountability is one of the twin pillars, along with transparency, that uphold good governance. With a free press and a Right to Information Act available for use by the ordinary citizen, transparency is not all that bad in our system even as bureaucratic opacity continues to hinder openness. But accountability degenerates by the day. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
These are some areas that must get fierce attention from the expanding and increasingly assertive urban middle class if real reform is to happen. Instead, what we see is the sad spectacle of an aged Gandhian engaged in a futile fast against evil. His purpose is noble. His method and demand are not. There are other ways to fight. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;The writer is a former executive editor of this newspaper. &lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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The movement around Anna Hazare&#039;s fast highlights a worrying trend. No, it&#039;s not corruption. That we know. The worry is: Is Indian democracy in a state of decay? 

Democracy in this largest of all democratic nations seems to be working...&#039;
$disp = &#039;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;The movement around Anna Hazare&#039;s fast highlights a worrying trend. No, it&#039;s not corruption. That we know. The worry is: Is Indian democracy in a state of decay? &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Democracy in this largest of all democratic nations seems to be working fine at first glance. We vote regularly and throw out parties in power when a majority wants change. We have a free press. We have an independent judiciary. But there&#039;s a lot that happens in the way we conduct our political life in between elections that is deeply disturbing. Citizens of a truly liberal democracy - there&#039;s no other kind, don&#039;t let anyone fool you - must demonstrate their understanding, popular acceptance and daily practice of democratic behaviour in the interlude between elections. Do we? &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Anna Hazare&#039;s fast-unto-death is a clear instance of misunderstood democracy. He and his supporters believe it is quite democratic of him to either get his way or commit suicide. No, it&#039;s not. Suicide is against the law in this demo-cracy; so is any threat to commit violence, even to oneself, if you don&#039;t get your way. That&#039;s blackmail. Citing Gandhi in support of fasts is misconceived. The great man fasted against imperial rule in an undemocratic society. A democracy, on the other hand, offers several channels to express grievance legitimately. For Gandhi, fasting fitted well into his framework of civil disobedience. He worked against the law as it then prevailed. Today, fasting, often in &#039;relay&#039; style, has become political farce in India. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Hazare&#039;s supporters, however, have every right to march in their thousands, to raise people&#039;s consciousness about corruption, to carry candles or play guitars while singing protest songs mimicking a Bob Dylan or a Pete Seeger, and to rage against the government through the media. But are they right in demanding an acceptance of Hazare&#039;s call for a supremely autonomous ombudsman to fight corruption? No. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Imagining an end to corruption by making a Lokpal sit in judgment over everyone, including Parliament and the judiciary, is not just undemocratic under India&#039;s Constitution, it is a silly idea. India is one of the most corrupt nations on earth not because it doesn&#039;t have enough regulatory bodies to catch a thief; it in fact has too many points of bureaucratic and political power that are lucrative checkpoints for the corrupt. Creating an unaccountable ombudsman will add another such check post unless you believe, like Hazare, that Gandhian purity can keep the Lokpal&#039;s office forever clean. Fighting corruption should mean fewer checkpoints, not more. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;To fight corruption, citizens have to target protests in order to force reform in specific areas instead of blasting broadsides against general corruption. We didn&#039;t wake up to find this cancer in our system because Dr Hazare suddenly said we were sick. We sat up when a huge telecom scandal was uncovered through investigation by regular arms of the democratic system, including Parliament and the press. That scandal underscores how urgently we need to reform our system of political funding, including campaign finance for electioneering, to stop politicians in power from doling out favours in return for cash they received from vested interests. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Every arm of democracy must become stronger if India has to confront corruption. Mobilisation for change should, for instance, aim to force Parliament actually to sit in session, debate and pass legislation. We have a Parliament that barely functions. Like fasts, another effete tool of protest is used by whichever party is in opposition, and that&#039;s the infamous walkout. It has been so overplayed that it&#039;s lost all potency. Storming the well of the House to stop proceedings for days is similarly idiotic. Our politicians and MPs must relearn effective democratic practice in the modern era and discard the tools of opposition they inherited from a past generation of leaders. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Another sign of democratic decay and a reason why corruption can spread so malignantly through our national system is a fast weakening accountability of public officials and politicians. That&#039;s happening largely because India&#039;s judiciary is so clogged up and grossly inefficient that citizens have little faith in its capacity to deliver justice to reinforce the foundations of public accountability. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Accountability is one of the twin pillars, along with transparency, that uphold good governance. With a free press and a Right to Information Act available for use by the ordinary citizen, transparency is not all that bad in our system even as bureaucratic opacity continues to hinder openness. 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                <strong>Fasting as democracy decays by Gautam Adhikari</strong></h1>
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                <br /><div align="justify">The movement around Anna Hazare's fast highlights a worrying trend. No, it's not corruption. That we know. The worry is: Is Indian democracy in a state of decay? <br /><br />Democracy in this largest of all democratic nations seems to be working fine at first glance. We vote regularly and throw out parties in power when a majority wants change. We have a free press. We have an independent judiciary. But there's a lot that happens in the way we conduct our political life in between elections that is deeply disturbing. Citizens of a truly liberal democracy - there's no other kind, don't let anyone fool you - must demonstrate their understanding, popular acceptance and daily practice of democratic behaviour in the interlude between elections. Do we? <br /><br />Anna Hazare's fast-unto-death is a clear instance of misunderstood democracy. He and his supporters believe it is quite democratic of him to either get his way or commit suicide. No, it's not. Suicide is against the law in this demo-cracy; so is any threat to commit violence, even to oneself, if you don't get your way. That's blackmail. Citing Gandhi in support of fasts is misconceived. The great man fasted against imperial rule in an undemocratic society. A democracy, on the other hand, offers several channels to express grievance legitimately. For Gandhi, fasting fitted well into his framework of civil disobedience. He worked against the law as it then prevailed. Today, fasting, often in 'relay' style, has become political farce in India. <br /><br />Hazare's supporters, however, have every right to march in their thousands, to raise people's consciousness about corruption, to carry candles or play guitars while singing protest songs mimicking a Bob Dylan or a Pete Seeger, and to rage against the government through the media. But are they right in demanding an acceptance of Hazare's call for a supremely autonomous ombudsman to fight corruption? No. <br /><br />Imagining an end to corruption by making a Lokpal sit in judgment over everyone, including Parliament and the judiciary, is not just undemocratic under India's Constitution, it is a silly idea. India is one of the most corrupt nations on earth not because it doesn't have enough regulatory bodies to catch a thief; it in fact has too many points of bureaucratic and political power that are lucrative checkpoints for the corrupt. Creating an unaccountable ombudsman will add another such check post unless you believe, like Hazare, that Gandhian purity can keep the Lokpal's office forever clean. Fighting corruption should mean fewer checkpoints, not more. <br /><br />To fight corruption, citizens have to target protests in order to force reform in specific areas instead of blasting broadsides against general corruption. We didn't wake up to find this cancer in our system because Dr Hazare suddenly said we were sick. We sat up when a huge telecom scandal was uncovered through investigation by regular arms of the democratic system, including Parliament and the press. That scandal underscores how urgently we need to reform our system of political funding, including campaign finance for electioneering, to stop politicians in power from doling out favours in return for cash they received from vested interests. <br /><br />Every arm of democracy must become stronger if India has to confront corruption. Mobilisation for change should, for instance, aim to force Parliament actually to sit in session, debate and pass legislation. We have a Parliament that barely functions. Like fasts, another effete tool of protest is used by whichever party is in opposition, and that's the infamous walkout. It has been so overplayed that it's lost all potency. Storming the well of the House to stop proceedings for days is similarly idiotic. Our politicians and MPs must relearn effective democratic practice in the modern era and discard the tools of opposition they inherited from a past generation of leaders. <br /><br />Another sign of democratic decay and a reason why corruption can spread so malignantly through our national system is a fast weakening accountability of public officials and politicians. That's happening largely because India's judiciary is so clogged up and grossly inefficient that citizens have little faith in its capacity to deliver justice to reinforce the foundations of public accountability. <br /><br />Accountability is one of the twin pillars, along with transparency, that uphold good governance. With a free press and a Right to Information Act available for use by the ordinary citizen, transparency is not all that bad in our system even as bureaucratic opacity continues to hinder openness. But accountability degenerates by the day. <br /><br />These are some areas that must get fierce attention from the expanding and increasingly assertive urban middle class if real reform is to happen. Instead, what we see is the sad spectacle of an aged Gandhian engaged in a futile fast against evil. His purpose is noble. His method and demand are not. There are other ways to fight. <br /><br /><em>The writer is a former executive editor of this newspaper. </em><br /></div>               </font>
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The movement around Anna Hazare&#039;s fast highlights a worrying trend. No, it&#039;s not corruption. That we know. The worry is: Is Indian democracy in a state of decay? &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Democracy in this largest of all democratic nations seems to be working fine at first glance. We vote regularly and throw out parties in power when a majority wants change. We have a free press. We have an independent judiciary. But there&#039;s a lot that happens in the way we conduct our political life in between elections that is deeply disturbing. Citizens of a truly liberal democracy - there&#039;s no other kind, don&#039;t let anyone fool you - must demonstrate their understanding, popular acceptance and daily practice of democratic behaviour in the interlude between elections. Do we? &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Anna Hazare&#039;s fast-unto-death is a clear instance of misunderstood democracy. He and his supporters believe it is quite democratic of him to either get his way or commit suicide. No, it&#039;s not. Suicide is against the law in this demo-cracy; so is any threat to commit violence, even to oneself, if you don&#039;t get your way. That&#039;s blackmail. Citing Gandhi in support of fasts is misconceived. The great man fasted against imperial rule in an undemocratic society. A democracy, on the other hand, offers several channels to express grievance legitimately. For Gandhi, fasting fitted well into his framework of civil disobedience. He worked against the law as it then prevailed. Today, fasting, often in &#039;relay&#039; style, has become political farce in India. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Hazare&#039;s supporters, however, have every right to march in their thousands, to raise people&#039;s consciousness about corruption, to carry candles or play guitars while singing protest songs mimicking a Bob Dylan or a Pete Seeger, and to rage against the government through the media. But are they right in demanding an acceptance of Hazare&#039;s call for a supremely autonomous ombudsman to fight corruption? No. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Imagining an end to corruption by making a Lokpal sit in judgment over everyone, including Parliament and the judiciary, is not just undemocratic under India&#039;s Constitution, it is a silly idea. India is one of the most corrupt nations on earth not because it doesn&#039;t have enough regulatory bodies to catch a thief; it in fact has too many points of bureaucratic and political power that are lucrative checkpoints for the corrupt. Creating an unaccountable ombudsman will add another such check post unless you believe, like Hazare, that Gandhian purity can keep the Lokpal&#039;s office forever clean. Fighting corruption should mean fewer checkpoints, not more. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
To fight corruption, citizens have to target protests in order to force reform in specific areas instead of blasting broadsides against general corruption. We didn&#039;t wake up to find this cancer in our system because Dr Hazare suddenly said we were sick. We sat up when a huge telecom scandal was uncovered through investigation by regular arms of the democratic system, including Parliament and the press. That scandal underscores how urgently we need to reform our system of political funding, including campaign finance for electioneering, to stop politicians in power from doling out favours in return for cash they received from vested interests. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Every arm of democracy must become stronger if India has to confront corruption. Mobilisation for change should, for instance, aim to force Parliament actually to sit in session, debate and pass legislation. We have a Parliament that barely functions. Like fasts, another effete tool of protest is used by whichever party is in opposition, and that&#039;s the infamous walkout. It has been so overplayed that it&#039;s lost all potency. Storming the well of the House to stop proceedings for days is similarly idiotic. Our politicians and MPs must relearn effective democratic practice in the modern era and discard the tools of opposition they inherited from a past generation of leaders. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Another sign of democratic decay and a reason why corruption can spread so malignantly through our national system is a fast weakening accountability of public officials and politicians. That&#039;s happening largely because India&#039;s judiciary is so clogged up and grossly inefficient that citizens have little faith in its capacity to deliver justice to reinforce the foundations of public accountability. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Accountability is one of the twin pillars, along with transparency, that uphold good governance. With a free press and a Right to Information Act available for use by the ordinary citizen, transparency is not all that bad in our system even as bureaucratic opacity continues to hinder openness. But accountability degenerates by the day. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
These are some areas that must get fierce attention from the expanding and increasingly assertive urban middle class if real reform is to happen. Instead, what we see is the sad spectacle of an aged Gandhian engaged in a futile fast against evil. His purpose is noble. His method and demand are not. There are other ways to fight. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;The writer is a former executive editor of this newspaper. &lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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The movement around Anna Hazare&#039;s fast highlights a worrying trend. No, it&#039;s not corruption. That we know. The worry is: Is Indian democracy in a state of decay? 

Democracy in this largest of all democratic nations seems to be working...&#039;,
	&#039;disp&#039; =&gt; &#039;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;The movement around Anna Hazare&#039;s fast highlights a worrying trend. No, it&#039;s not corruption. That we know. The worry is: Is Indian democracy in a state of decay? &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Democracy in this largest of all democratic nations seems to be working fine at first glance. We vote regularly and throw out parties in power when a majority wants change. We have a free press. We have an independent judiciary. But there&#039;s a lot that happens in the way we conduct our political life in between elections that is deeply disturbing. Citizens of a truly liberal democracy - there&#039;s no other kind, don&#039;t let anyone fool you - must demonstrate their understanding, popular acceptance and daily practice of democratic behaviour in the interlude between elections. Do we? &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Anna Hazare&#039;s fast-unto-death is a clear instance of misunderstood democracy. He and his supporters believe it is quite democratic of him to either get his way or commit suicide. No, it&#039;s not. Suicide is against the law in this demo-cracy; so is any threat to commit violence, even to oneself, if you don&#039;t get your way. That&#039;s blackmail. Citing Gandhi in support of fasts is misconceived. The great man fasted against imperial rule in an undemocratic society. A democracy, on the other hand, offers several channels to express grievance legitimately. For Gandhi, fasting fitted well into his framework of civil disobedience. He worked against the law as it then prevailed. Today, fasting, often in &#039;relay&#039; style, has become political farce in India. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Hazare&#039;s supporters, however, have every right to march in their thousands, to raise people&#039;s consciousness about corruption, to carry candles or play guitars while singing protest songs mimicking a Bob Dylan or a Pete Seeger, and to rage against the government through the media. But are they right in demanding an acceptance of Hazare&#039;s call for a supremely autonomous ombudsman to fight corruption? No. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Imagining an end to corruption by making a Lokpal sit in judgment over everyone, including Parliament and the judiciary, is not just undemocratic under India&#039;s Constitution, it is a silly idea. India is one of the most corrupt nations on earth not because it doesn&#039;t have enough regulatory bodies to catch a thief; it in fact has too many points of bureaucratic and political power that are lucrative checkpoints for the corrupt. Creating an unaccountable ombudsman will add another such check post unless you believe, like Hazare, that Gandhian purity can keep the Lokpal&#039;s office forever clean. Fighting corruption should mean fewer checkpoints, not more. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;To fight corruption, citizens have to target protests in order to force reform in specific areas instead of blasting broadsides against general corruption. We didn&#039;t wake up to find this cancer in our system because Dr Hazare suddenly said we were sick. We sat up when a huge telecom scandal was uncovered through investigation by regular arms of the democratic system, including Parliament and the press. That scandal underscores how urgently we need to reform our system of political funding, including campaign finance for electioneering, to stop politicians in power from doling out favours in return for cash they received from vested interests. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Every arm of democracy must become stronger if India has to confront corruption. Mobilisation for change should, for instance, aim to force Parliament actually to sit in session, debate and pass legislation. We have a Parliament that barely functions. Like fasts, another effete tool of protest is used by whichever party is in opposition, and that&#039;s the infamous walkout. It has been so overplayed that it&#039;s lost all potency. Storming the well of the House to stop proceedings for days is similarly idiotic. Our politicians and MPs must relearn effective democratic practice in the modern era and discard the tools of opposition they inherited from a past generation of leaders. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Another sign of democratic decay and a reason why corruption can spread so malignantly through our national system is a fast weakening accountability of public officials and politicians. That&#039;s happening largely because India&#039;s judiciary is so clogged up and grossly inefficient that citizens have little faith in its capacity to deliver justice to reinforce the foundations of public accountability. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Accountability is one of the twin pillars, along with transparency, that uphold good governance. With a free press and a Right to Information Act available for use by the ordinary citizen, transparency is not all that bad in our system even as bureaucratic opacity continues to hinder openness. But accountability degenerates by the day. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;These are some areas that must get fierce attention from the expanding and increasingly assertive urban middle class if real reform is to happen. Instead, what we see is the sad spectacle of an aged Gandhian engaged in a futile fast against evil. His purpose is noble. His method and demand are not. There are other ways to fight. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;The writer is a former executive editor of this newspaper. &lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;&#039;,
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The movement around Anna Hazare&#039;s fast highlights a worrying trend. No, it&#039;s not corruption. That we know. The worry is: Is Indian democracy in a state of decay? &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Democracy in this largest of all democratic nations seems to be working fine at first glance. We vote regularly and throw out parties in power when a majority wants change. We have a free press. We have an independent judiciary. But there&#039;s a lot that happens in the way we conduct our political life in between elections that is deeply disturbing. Citizens of a truly liberal democracy - there&#039;s no other kind, don&#039;t let anyone fool you - must demonstrate their understanding, popular acceptance and daily practice of democratic behaviour in the interlude between elections. Do we? &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Anna Hazare&#039;s fast-unto-death is a clear instance of misunderstood democracy. He and his supporters believe it is quite democratic of him to either get his way or commit suicide. No, it&#039;s not. Suicide is against the law in this demo-cracy; so is any threat to commit violence, even to oneself, if you don&#039;t get your way. That&#039;s blackmail. Citing Gandhi in support of fasts is misconceived. The great man fasted against imperial rule in an undemocratic society. A democracy, on the other hand, offers several channels to express grievance legitimately. For Gandhi, fasting fitted well into his framework of civil disobedience. He worked against the law as it then prevailed. Today, fasting, often in &#039;relay&#039; style, has become political farce in India. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Hazare&#039;s supporters, however, have every right to march in their thousands, to raise people&#039;s consciousness about corruption, to carry candles or play guitars while singing protest songs mimicking a Bob Dylan or a Pete Seeger, and to rage against the government through the media. But are they right in demanding an acceptance of Hazare&#039;s call for a supremely autonomous ombudsman to fight corruption? No. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Imagining an end to corruption by making a Lokpal sit in judgment over everyone, including Parliament and the judiciary, is not just undemocratic under India&#039;s Constitution, it is a silly idea. India is one of the most corrupt nations on earth not because it doesn&#039;t have enough regulatory bodies to catch a thief; it in fact has too many points of bureaucratic and political power that are lucrative checkpoints for the corrupt. Creating an unaccountable ombudsman will add another such check post unless you believe, like Hazare, that Gandhian purity can keep the Lokpal&#039;s office forever clean. Fighting corruption should mean fewer checkpoints, not more. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
To fight corruption, citizens have to target protests in order to force reform in specific areas instead of blasting broadsides against general corruption. We didn&#039;t wake up to find this cancer in our system because Dr Hazare suddenly said we were sick. We sat up when a huge telecom scandal was uncovered through investigation by regular arms of the democratic system, including Parliament and the press. That scandal underscores how urgently we need to reform our system of political funding, including campaign finance for electioneering, to stop politicians in power from doling out favours in return for cash they received from vested interests. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Every arm of democracy must become stronger if India has to confront corruption. Mobilisation for change should, for instance, aim to force Parliament actually to sit in session, debate and pass legislation. We have a Parliament that barely functions. Like fasts, another effete tool of protest is used by whichever party is in opposition, and that&#039;s the infamous walkout. It has been so overplayed that it&#039;s lost all potency. Storming the well of the House to stop proceedings for days is similarly idiotic. Our politicians and MPs must relearn effective democratic practice in the modern era and discard the tools of opposition they inherited from a past generation of leaders. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Another sign of democratic decay and a reason why corruption can spread so malignantly through our national system is a fast weakening accountability of public officials and politicians. That&#039;s happening largely because India&#039;s judiciary is so clogged up and grossly inefficient that citizens have little faith in its capacity to deliver justice to reinforce the foundations of public accountability. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Accountability is one of the twin pillars, along with transparency, that uphold good governance. With a free press and a Right to Information Act available for use by the ordinary citizen, transparency is not all that bad in our system even as bureaucratic opacity continues to hinder openness. But accountability degenerates by the day. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
These are some areas that must get fierce attention from the expanding and increasingly assertive urban middle class if real reform is to happen. Instead, what we see is the sad spectacle of an aged Gandhian engaged in a futile fast against evil. His purpose is noble. His method and demand are not. There are other ways to fight. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;The writer is a former executive editor of this newspaper. &lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;&#039;,
	&#039;credit_writer&#039; =&gt; &#039;The Times of India, 25 August, 2011, http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/home/opinion/edit-page/Fasting-as-democracy-decays/articleshow/9726205.cms&#039;,
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The movement around Anna Hazare&#039;s fast highlights a worrying trend. No, it&#039;s not corruption. That we know. The worry is: Is Indian democracy in a state of decay? 

Democracy in this largest of all democratic nations seems to be working...&#039;
$disp = &#039;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;The movement around Anna Hazare&#039;s fast highlights a worrying trend. No, it&#039;s not corruption. That we know. The worry is: Is Indian democracy in a state of decay? &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Democracy in this largest of all democratic nations seems to be working fine at first glance. We vote regularly and throw out parties in power when a majority wants change. We have a free press. We have an independent judiciary. But there&#039;s a lot that happens in the way we conduct our political life in between elections that is deeply disturbing. Citizens of a truly liberal democracy - there&#039;s no other kind, don&#039;t let anyone fool you - must demonstrate their understanding, popular acceptance and daily practice of democratic behaviour in the interlude between elections. Do we? &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Anna Hazare&#039;s fast-unto-death is a clear instance of misunderstood democracy. He and his supporters believe it is quite democratic of him to either get his way or commit suicide. No, it&#039;s not. Suicide is against the law in this demo-cracy; so is any threat to commit violence, even to oneself, if you don&#039;t get your way. That&#039;s blackmail. Citing Gandhi in support of fasts is misconceived. The great man fasted against imperial rule in an undemocratic society. A democracy, on the other hand, offers several channels to express grievance legitimately. For Gandhi, fasting fitted well into his framework of civil disobedience. He worked against the law as it then prevailed. Today, fasting, often in &#039;relay&#039; style, has become political farce in India. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Hazare&#039;s supporters, however, have every right to march in their thousands, to raise people&#039;s consciousness about corruption, to carry candles or play guitars while singing protest songs mimicking a Bob Dylan or a Pete Seeger, and to rage against the government through the media. But are they right in demanding an acceptance of Hazare&#039;s call for a supremely autonomous ombudsman to fight corruption? No. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Imagining an end to corruption by making a Lokpal sit in judgment over everyone, including Parliament and the judiciary, is not just undemocratic under India&#039;s Constitution, it is a silly idea. India is one of the most corrupt nations on earth not because it doesn&#039;t have enough regulatory bodies to catch a thief; it in fact has too many points of bureaucratic and political power that are lucrative checkpoints for the corrupt. Creating an unaccountable ombudsman will add another such check post unless you believe, like Hazare, that Gandhian purity can keep the Lokpal&#039;s office forever clean. Fighting corruption should mean fewer checkpoints, not more. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;To fight corruption, citizens have to target protests in order to force reform in specific areas instead of blasting broadsides against general corruption. We didn&#039;t wake up to find this cancer in our system because Dr Hazare suddenly said we were sick. We sat up when a huge telecom scandal was uncovered through investigation by regular arms of the democratic system, including Parliament and the press. That scandal underscores how urgently we need to reform our system of political funding, including campaign finance for electioneering, to stop politicians in power from doling out favours in return for cash they received from vested interests. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Every arm of democracy must become stronger if India has to confront corruption. Mobilisation for change should, for instance, aim to force Parliament actually to sit in session, debate and pass legislation. We have a Parliament that barely functions. Like fasts, another effete tool of protest is used by whichever party is in opposition, and that&#039;s the infamous walkout. It has been so overplayed that it&#039;s lost all potency. Storming the well of the House to stop proceedings for days is similarly idiotic. Our politicians and MPs must relearn effective democratic practice in the modern era and discard the tools of opposition they inherited from a past generation of leaders. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Another sign of democratic decay and a reason why corruption can spread so malignantly through our national system is a fast weakening accountability of public officials and politicians. That&#039;s happening largely because India&#039;s judiciary is so clogged up and grossly inefficient that citizens have little faith in its capacity to deliver justice to reinforce the foundations of public accountability. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Accountability is one of the twin pillars, along with transparency, that uphold good governance. With a free press and a Right to Information Act available for use by the ordinary citizen, transparency is not all that bad in our system even as bureaucratic opacity continues to hinder openness. But accountability degenerates by the day. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;These are some areas that must get fierce attention from the expanding and increasingly assertive urban middle class if real reform is to happen. Instead, what we see is the sad spectacle of an aged Gandhian engaged in a futile fast against evil. His purpose is noble. His method and demand are not. There are other ways to fight. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;The writer is a former executive editor of this newspaper. &lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;&#039;
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                <strong>Fasting as democracy decays by Gautam Adhikari</strong></h1>
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                <br /><div align="justify">The movement around Anna Hazare's fast highlights a worrying trend. No, it's not corruption. That we know. The worry is: Is Indian democracy in a state of decay? <br /><br />Democracy in this largest of all democratic nations seems to be working fine at first glance. We vote regularly and throw out parties in power when a majority wants change. We have a free press. We have an independent judiciary. But there's a lot that happens in the way we conduct our political life in between elections that is deeply disturbing. Citizens of a truly liberal democracy - there's no other kind, don't let anyone fool you - must demonstrate their understanding, popular acceptance and daily practice of democratic behaviour in the interlude between elections. Do we? <br /><br />Anna Hazare's fast-unto-death is a clear instance of misunderstood democracy. He and his supporters believe it is quite democratic of him to either get his way or commit suicide. No, it's not. Suicide is against the law in this demo-cracy; so is any threat to commit violence, even to oneself, if you don't get your way. That's blackmail. Citing Gandhi in support of fasts is misconceived. The great man fasted against imperial rule in an undemocratic society. A democracy, on the other hand, offers several channels to express grievance legitimately. For Gandhi, fasting fitted well into his framework of civil disobedience. He worked against the law as it then prevailed. Today, fasting, often in 'relay' style, has become political farce in India. <br /><br />Hazare's supporters, however, have every right to march in their thousands, to raise people's consciousness about corruption, to carry candles or play guitars while singing protest songs mimicking a Bob Dylan or a Pete Seeger, and to rage against the government through the media. But are they right in demanding an acceptance of Hazare's call for a supremely autonomous ombudsman to fight corruption? No. <br /><br />Imagining an end to corruption by making a Lokpal sit in judgment over everyone, including Parliament and the judiciary, is not just undemocratic under India's Constitution, it is a silly idea. India is one of the most corrupt nations on earth not because it doesn't have enough regulatory bodies to catch a thief; it in fact has too many points of bureaucratic and political power that are lucrative checkpoints for the corrupt. Creating an unaccountable ombudsman will add another such check post unless you believe, like Hazare, that Gandhian purity can keep the Lokpal's office forever clean. Fighting corruption should mean fewer checkpoints, not more. <br /><br />To fight corruption, citizens have to target protests in order to force reform in specific areas instead of blasting broadsides against general corruption. We didn't wake up to find this cancer in our system because Dr Hazare suddenly said we were sick. We sat up when a huge telecom scandal was uncovered through investigation by regular arms of the democratic system, including Parliament and the press. That scandal underscores how urgently we need to reform our system of political funding, including campaign finance for electioneering, to stop politicians in power from doling out favours in return for cash they received from vested interests. <br /><br />Every arm of democracy must become stronger if India has to confront corruption. Mobilisation for change should, for instance, aim to force Parliament actually to sit in session, debate and pass legislation. We have a Parliament that barely functions. Like fasts, another effete tool of protest is used by whichever party is in opposition, and that's the infamous walkout. It has been so overplayed that it's lost all potency. Storming the well of the House to stop proceedings for days is similarly idiotic. Our politicians and MPs must relearn effective democratic practice in the modern era and discard the tools of opposition they inherited from a past generation of leaders. <br /><br />Another sign of democratic decay and a reason why corruption can spread so malignantly through our national system is a fast weakening accountability of public officials and politicians. That's happening largely because India's judiciary is so clogged up and grossly inefficient that citizens have little faith in its capacity to deliver justice to reinforce the foundations of public accountability. <br /><br />Accountability is one of the twin pillars, along with transparency, that uphold good governance. With a free press and a Right to Information Act available for use by the ordinary citizen, transparency is not all that bad in our system even as bureaucratic opacity continues to hinder openness. But accountability degenerates by the day. <br /><br />These are some areas that must get fierce attention from the expanding and increasingly assertive urban middle class if real reform is to happen. Instead, what we see is the sad spectacle of an aged Gandhian engaged in a futile fast against evil. His purpose is noble. His method and demand are not. There are other ways to fight. <br /><br /><em>The writer is a former executive editor of this newspaper. </em><br /></div>               </font>
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The movement around Anna Hazare's fast highlights a worrying trend. No, it's not corruption. That we know. The worry is: Is Indian democracy in a state of decay? <br />
<br />
Democracy in this largest of all democratic nations seems to be working fine at first glance. We vote regularly and throw out parties in power when a majority wants change. We have a free press. We have an independent judiciary. But there's a lot that happens in the way we conduct our political life in between elections that is deeply disturbing. Citizens of a truly liberal democracy - there's no other kind, don't let anyone fool you - must demonstrate their understanding, popular acceptance and daily practice of democratic behaviour in the interlude between elections. Do we? <br />
<br />
Anna Hazare's fast-unto-death is a clear instance of misunderstood democracy. He and his supporters believe it is quite democratic of him to either get his way or commit suicide. No, it's not. Suicide is against the law in this demo-cracy; so is any threat to commit violence, even to oneself, if you don't get your way. That's blackmail. Citing Gandhi in support of fasts is misconceived. The great man fasted against imperial rule in an undemocratic society. A democracy, on the other hand, offers several channels to express grievance legitimately. For Gandhi, fasting fitted well into his framework of civil disobedience. He worked against the law as it then prevailed. Today, fasting, often in 'relay' style, has become political farce in India. <br />
<br />
Hazare's supporters, however, have every right to march in their thousands, to raise people's consciousness about corruption, to carry candles or play guitars while singing protest songs mimicking a Bob Dylan or a Pete Seeger, and to rage against the government through the media. But are they right in demanding an acceptance of Hazare's call for a supremely autonomous ombudsman to fight corruption? No. <br />
<br />
Imagining an end to corruption by making a Lokpal sit in judgment over everyone, including Parliament and the judiciary, is not just undemocratic under India's Constitution, it is a silly idea. India is one of the most corrupt nations on earth not because it doesn't have enough regulatory bodies to catch a thief; it in fact has too many points of bureaucratic and political power that are lucrative checkpoints for the corrupt. Creating an unaccountable ombudsman will add another such check post unless you believe, like Hazare, that Gandhian purity can keep the Lokpal's office forever clean. Fighting corruption should mean fewer checkpoints, not more. <br />
<br />
To fight corruption, citizens have to target protests in order to force reform in specific areas instead of blasting broadsides against general corruption. We didn't wake up to find this cancer in our system because Dr Hazare suddenly said we were sick. We sat up when a huge telecom scandal was uncovered through investigation by regular arms of the democratic system, including Parliament and the press. That scandal underscores how urgently we need to reform our system of political funding, including campaign finance for electioneering, to stop politicians in power from doling out favours in return for cash they received from vested interests. <br />
<br />
Every arm of democracy must become stronger if India has to confront corruption. Mobilisation for change should, for instance, aim to force Parliament actually to sit in session, debate and pass legislation. We have a Parliament that barely functions. Like fasts, another effete tool of protest is used by whichever party is in opposition, and that's the infamous walkout. It has been so overplayed that it's lost all potency. Storming the well of the House to stop proceedings for days is similarly idiotic. Our politicians and MPs must relearn effective democratic practice in the modern era and discard the tools of opposition they inherited from a past generation of leaders. <br />
<br />
Another sign of democratic decay and a reason why corruption can spread so malignantly through our national system is a fast weakening accountability of public officials and politicians. That's happening largely because India's judiciary is so clogged up and grossly inefficient that citizens have little faith in its capacity to deliver justice to reinforce the foundations of public accountability. <br />
<br />
Accountability is one of the twin pillars, along with transparency, that uphold good governance. With a free press and a Right to Information Act available for use by the ordinary citizen, transparency is not all that bad in our system even as bureaucratic opacity continues to hinder openness. But accountability degenerates by the day. <br />
<br />
These are some areas that must get fierce attention from the expanding and increasingly assertive urban middle class if real reform is to happen. Instead, what we see is the sad spectacle of an aged Gandhian engaged in a futile fast against evil. His purpose is noble. His method and demand are not. There are other ways to fight. <br />
<br />
<em>The writer is a former executive editor of this newspaper. </em><br />
</div>',
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The movement around Anna Hazare's fast highlights a worrying trend. No, it's not corruption. That we know. The worry is: Is Indian democracy in a state of decay? 

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No. <br /><br />Imagining an end to corruption by making a Lokpal sit in judgment over everyone, including Parliament and the judiciary, is not just undemocratic under India's Constitution, it is a silly idea. India is one of the most corrupt nations on earth not because it doesn't have enough regulatory bodies to catch a thief; it in fact has too many points of bureaucratic and political power that are lucrative checkpoints for the corrupt. Creating an unaccountable ombudsman will add another such check post unless you believe, like Hazare, that Gandhian purity can keep the Lokpal's office forever clean. Fighting corruption should mean fewer checkpoints, not more. <br /><br />To fight corruption, citizens have to target protests in order to force reform in specific areas instead of blasting broadsides against general corruption. We didn't wake up to find this cancer in our system because Dr Hazare suddenly said we were sick. We sat up when a huge telecom scandal was uncovered through investigation by regular arms of the democratic system, including Parliament and the press. That scandal underscores how urgently we need to reform our system of political funding, including campaign finance for electioneering, to stop politicians in power from doling out favours in return for cash they received from vested interests. <br /><br />Every arm of democracy must become stronger if India has to confront corruption. Mobilisation for change should, for instance, aim to force Parliament actually to sit in session, debate and pass legislation. We have a Parliament that barely functions. Like fasts, another effete tool of protest is used by whichever party is in opposition, and that's the infamous walkout. It has been so overplayed that it's lost all potency. Storming the well of the House to stop proceedings for days is similarly idiotic. Our politicians and MPs must relearn effective democratic practice in the modern era and discard the tools of opposition they inherited from a past generation of leaders. <br /><br />Another sign of democratic decay and a reason why corruption can spread so malignantly through our national system is a fast weakening accountability of public officials and politicians. That's happening largely because India's judiciary is so clogged up and grossly inefficient that citizens have little faith in its capacity to deliver justice to reinforce the foundations of public accountability. <br /><br />Accountability is one of the twin pillars, along with transparency, that uphold good governance. With a free press and a Right to Information Act available for use by the ordinary citizen, transparency is not all that bad in our system even as bureaucratic opacity continues to hinder openness. 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<div align="justify">
The movement around Anna Hazare's fast highlights a worrying trend. No, it's not corruption. That we know. The worry is: Is Indian democracy in a state of decay? <br />
<br />
Democracy in this largest of all democratic nations seems to be working fine at first glance. We vote regularly and throw out parties in power when a majority wants change. We have a free press. We have an independent judiciary. But there's a lot that happens in the way we conduct our political life in between elections that is deeply disturbing. Citizens of a truly liberal democracy - there's no other kind, don't let anyone fool you - must demonstrate their understanding, popular acceptance and daily practice of democratic behaviour in the interlude between elections. Do we? <br />
<br />
Anna Hazare's fast-unto-death is a clear instance of misunderstood democracy. He and his supporters believe it is quite democratic of him to either get his way or commit suicide. No, it's not. Suicide is against the law in this demo-cracy; so is any threat to commit violence, even to oneself, if you don't get your way. That's blackmail. Citing Gandhi in support of fasts is misconceived. The great man fasted against imperial rule in an undemocratic society. A democracy, on the other hand, offers several channels to express grievance legitimately. For Gandhi, fasting fitted well into his framework of civil disobedience. He worked against the law as it then prevailed. Today, fasting, often in 'relay' style, has become political farce in India. <br />
<br />
Hazare's supporters, however, have every right to march in their thousands, to raise people's consciousness about corruption, to carry candles or play guitars while singing protest songs mimicking a Bob Dylan or a Pete Seeger, and to rage against the government through the media. But are they right in demanding an acceptance of Hazare's call for a supremely autonomous ombudsman to fight corruption? No. <br />
<br />
Imagining an end to corruption by making a Lokpal sit in judgment over everyone, including Parliament and the judiciary, is not just undemocratic under India's Constitution, it is a silly idea. India is one of the most corrupt nations on earth not because it doesn't have enough regulatory bodies to catch a thief; it in fact has too many points of bureaucratic and political power that are lucrative checkpoints for the corrupt. Creating an unaccountable ombudsman will add another such check post unless you believe, like Hazare, that Gandhian purity can keep the Lokpal's office forever clean. Fighting corruption should mean fewer checkpoints, not more. <br />
<br />
To fight corruption, citizens have to target protests in order to force reform in specific areas instead of blasting broadsides against general corruption. We didn't wake up to find this cancer in our system because Dr Hazare suddenly said we were sick. We sat up when a huge telecom scandal was uncovered through investigation by regular arms of the democratic system, including Parliament and the press. That scandal underscores how urgently we need to reform our system of political funding, including campaign finance for electioneering, to stop politicians in power from doling out favours in return for cash they received from vested interests. <br />
<br />
Every arm of democracy must become stronger if India has to confront corruption. Mobilisation for change should, for instance, aim to force Parliament actually to sit in session, debate and pass legislation. We have a Parliament that barely functions. Like fasts, another effete tool of protest is used by whichever party is in opposition, and that's the infamous walkout. It has been so overplayed that it's lost all potency. Storming the well of the House to stop proceedings for days is similarly idiotic. Our politicians and MPs must relearn effective democratic practice in the modern era and discard the tools of opposition they inherited from a past generation of leaders. <br />
<br />
Another sign of democratic decay and a reason why corruption can spread so malignantly through our national system is a fast weakening accountability of public officials and politicians. That's happening largely because India's judiciary is so clogged up and grossly inefficient that citizens have little faith in its capacity to deliver justice to reinforce the foundations of public accountability. <br />
<br />
Accountability is one of the twin pillars, along with transparency, that uphold good governance. With a free press and a Right to Information Act available for use by the ordinary citizen, transparency is not all that bad in our system even as bureaucratic opacity continues to hinder openness. But accountability degenerates by the day. <br />
<br />
These are some areas that must get fierce attention from the expanding and increasingly assertive urban middle class if real reform is to happen. Instead, what we see is the sad spectacle of an aged Gandhian engaged in a futile fast against evil. His purpose is noble. His method and demand are not. There are other ways to fight. <br />
<br />
<em>The writer is a former executive editor of this newspaper. </em><br />
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$metaTitle = 'LATEST NEWS UPDATES | Fasting as democracy decays by Gautam Adhikari'
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The movement around Anna Hazare's fast highlights a worrying trend. No, it's not corruption. That we know. The worry is: Is Indian democracy in a state of decay? 

Democracy in this largest of all democratic nations seems to be working...'
$disp = '<br /><div align="justify">The movement around Anna Hazare's fast highlights a worrying trend. No, it's not corruption. That we know. The worry is: Is Indian democracy in a state of decay? <br /><br />Democracy in this largest of all democratic nations seems to be working fine at first glance. We vote regularly and throw out parties in power when a majority wants change. We have a free press. We have an independent judiciary. But there's a lot that happens in the way we conduct our political life in between elections that is deeply disturbing. Citizens of a truly liberal democracy - there's no other kind, don't let anyone fool you - must demonstrate their understanding, popular acceptance and daily practice of democratic behaviour in the interlude between elections. Do we? <br /><br />Anna Hazare's fast-unto-death is a clear instance of misunderstood democracy. He and his supporters believe it is quite democratic of him to either get his way or commit suicide. No, it's not. Suicide is against the law in this demo-cracy; so is any threat to commit violence, even to oneself, if you don't get your way. That's blackmail. Citing Gandhi in support of fasts is misconceived. The great man fasted against imperial rule in an undemocratic society. A democracy, on the other hand, offers several channels to express grievance legitimately. For Gandhi, fasting fitted well into his framework of civil disobedience. He worked against the law as it then prevailed. Today, fasting, often in 'relay' style, has become political farce in India. <br /><br />Hazare's supporters, however, have every right to march in their thousands, to raise people's consciousness about corruption, to carry candles or play guitars while singing protest songs mimicking a Bob Dylan or a Pete Seeger, and to rage against the government through the media. But are they right in demanding an acceptance of Hazare's call for a supremely autonomous ombudsman to fight corruption? No. <br /><br />Imagining an end to corruption by making a Lokpal sit in judgment over everyone, including Parliament and the judiciary, is not just undemocratic under India's Constitution, it is a silly idea. India is one of the most corrupt nations on earth not because it doesn't have enough regulatory bodies to catch a thief; it in fact has too many points of bureaucratic and political power that are lucrative checkpoints for the corrupt. Creating an unaccountable ombudsman will add another such check post unless you believe, like Hazare, that Gandhian purity can keep the Lokpal's office forever clean. Fighting corruption should mean fewer checkpoints, not more. <br /><br />To fight corruption, citizens have to target protests in order to force reform in specific areas instead of blasting broadsides against general corruption. We didn't wake up to find this cancer in our system because Dr Hazare suddenly said we were sick. We sat up when a huge telecom scandal was uncovered through investigation by regular arms of the democratic system, including Parliament and the press. That scandal underscores how urgently we need to reform our system of political funding, including campaign finance for electioneering, to stop politicians in power from doling out favours in return for cash they received from vested interests. <br /><br />Every arm of democracy must become stronger if India has to confront corruption. Mobilisation for change should, for instance, aim to force Parliament actually to sit in session, debate and pass legislation. We have a Parliament that barely functions. Like fasts, another effete tool of protest is used by whichever party is in opposition, and that's the infamous walkout. It has been so overplayed that it's lost all potency. Storming the well of the House to stop proceedings for days is similarly idiotic. Our politicians and MPs must relearn effective democratic practice in the modern era and discard the tools of opposition they inherited from a past generation of leaders. <br /><br />Another sign of democratic decay and a reason why corruption can spread so malignantly through our national system is a fast weakening accountability of public officials and politicians. That's happening largely because India's judiciary is so clogged up and grossly inefficient that citizens have little faith in its capacity to deliver justice to reinforce the foundations of public accountability. <br /><br />Accountability is one of the twin pillars, along with transparency, that uphold good governance. With a free press and a Right to Information Act available for use by the ordinary citizen, transparency is not all that bad in our system even as bureaucratic opacity continues to hinder openness. But accountability degenerates by the day. <br /><br />These are some areas that must get fierce attention from the expanding and increasingly assertive urban middle class if real reform is to happen. Instead, what we see is the sad spectacle of an aged Gandhian engaged in a futile fast against evil. His purpose is noble. His method and demand are not. There are other ways to fight. <br /><br /><em>The writer is a former executive editor of this newspaper. </em><br /></div>'
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Fasting as democracy decays by Gautam Adhikari

The movement around Anna Hazare's fast highlights a worrying trend. No, it's not corruption. That we know. The worry is: Is Indian democracy in a state of decay? Democracy in this largest of all democratic nations seems to be working fine at first glance. We vote regularly and throw out parties in power when a majority wants change. We have a free press. We have an independent judiciary. But there's a lot that happens in the way we conduct our political life in between elections that is deeply disturbing. Citizens of a truly liberal democracy - there's no other kind, don't let anyone fool you - must demonstrate their understanding, popular acceptance and daily practice of democratic behaviour in the interlude between elections. Do we? Anna Hazare's fast-unto-death is a clear instance of misunderstood democracy. He and his supporters believe it is quite democratic of him to either get his way or commit suicide. No, it's not. Suicide is against the law in this demo-cracy; so is any threat to commit violence, even to oneself, if you don't get your way. That's blackmail. Citing Gandhi in support of fasts is misconceived. The great man fasted against imperial rule in an undemocratic society. A democracy, on the other hand, offers several channels to express grievance legitimately. For Gandhi, fasting fitted well into his framework of civil disobedience. He worked against the law as it then prevailed. Today, fasting, often in 'relay' style, has become political farce in India. Hazare's supporters, however, have every right to march in their thousands, to raise people's consciousness about corruption, to carry candles or play guitars while singing protest songs mimicking a Bob Dylan or a Pete Seeger, and to rage against the government through the media. But are they right in demanding an acceptance of Hazare's call for a supremely autonomous ombudsman to fight corruption? No. Imagining an end to corruption by making a Lokpal sit in judgment over everyone, including Parliament and the judiciary, is not just undemocratic under India's Constitution, it is a silly idea. India is one of the most corrupt nations on earth not because it doesn't have enough regulatory bodies to catch a thief; it in fact has too many points of bureaucratic and political power that are lucrative checkpoints for the corrupt. Creating an unaccountable ombudsman will add another such check post unless you believe, like Hazare, that Gandhian purity can keep the Lokpal's office forever clean. Fighting corruption should mean fewer checkpoints, not more. To fight corruption, citizens have to target protests in order to force reform in specific areas instead of blasting broadsides against general corruption. We didn't wake up to find this cancer in our system because Dr Hazare suddenly said we were sick. We sat up when a huge telecom scandal was uncovered through investigation by regular arms of the democratic system, including Parliament and the press. That scandal underscores how urgently we need to reform our system of political funding, including campaign finance for electioneering, to stop politicians in power from doling out favours in return for cash they received from vested interests. Every arm of democracy must become stronger if India has to confront corruption. Mobilisation for change should, for instance, aim to force Parliament actually to sit in session, debate and pass legislation. We have a Parliament that barely functions. Like fasts, another effete tool of protest is used by whichever party is in opposition, and that's the infamous walkout. It has been so overplayed that it's lost all potency. Storming the well of the House to stop proceedings for days is similarly idiotic. Our politicians and MPs must relearn effective democratic practice in the modern era and discard the tools of opposition they inherited from a past generation of leaders. Another sign of democratic decay and a reason why corruption can spread so malignantly through our national system is a fast weakening accountability of public officials and politicians. That's happening largely because India's judiciary is so clogged up and grossly inefficient that citizens have little faith in its capacity to deliver justice to reinforce the foundations of public accountability. Accountability is one of the twin pillars, along with transparency, that uphold good governance. With a free press and a Right to Information Act available for use by the ordinary citizen, transparency is not all that bad in our system even as bureaucratic opacity continues to hinder openness. But accountability degenerates by the day. These are some areas that must get fierce attention from the expanding and increasingly assertive urban middle class if real reform is to happen. Instead, what we see is the sad spectacle of an aged Gandhian engaged in a futile fast against evil. His purpose is noble. His method and demand are not. There are other ways to fight. The writer is a former executive editor of this newspaper.