Deprecated (16384): The ArrayAccess methods will be removed in 4.0.0.Use getParam(), getData() and getQuery() instead. - /home/brlfuser/public_html/src/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line: 73
 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php. [CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311]
Code Context


        trigger_error($message, E_USER_DEPRECATED);

    }
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 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php.'
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deprecationWarning - CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311
Cake\Http\ServerRequest::offsetGet() - CORE/src/Http/ServerRequest.php, line 2421
App\Controller\ArtileDetailController::printArticle() - APP/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line 73
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Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
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Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Http\Runner::run() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 51
Cake\Http\Server::run() - CORE/src/Http/Server.php, line 98

Deprecated (16384): The ArrayAccess methods will be removed in 4.0.0.Use getParam(), getData() and getQuery() instead. - /home/brlfuser/public_html/src/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line: 74
 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php. [CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311]
Code Context


        trigger_error($message, E_USER_DEPRECATED);

    }
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 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php.'
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deprecationWarning - CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311
Cake\Http\ServerRequest::offsetGet() - CORE/src/Http/ServerRequest.php, line 2421
App\Controller\ArtileDetailController::printArticle() - APP/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line 74
Cake\Controller\Controller::invokeAction() - CORE/src/Controller/Controller.php, line 610
Cake\Http\ActionDispatcher::_invoke() - CORE/src/Http/ActionDispatcher.php, line 120
Cake\Http\ActionDispatcher::dispatch() - CORE/src/Http/ActionDispatcher.php, line 94
Cake\Http\BaseApplication::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/BaseApplication.php, line 235
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Routing\Middleware\RoutingMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Routing/Middleware/RoutingMiddleware.php, line 162
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Routing\Middleware\AssetMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Routing/Middleware/AssetMiddleware.php, line 88
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Error\Middleware\ErrorHandlerMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Error/Middleware/ErrorHandlerMiddleware.php, line 96
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Http\Runner::run() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 51
Cake\Http\Server::run() - CORE/src/Http/Server.php, line 98

Warning (512): Unable to emit headers. Headers sent in file=/home/brlfuser/public_html/vendor/cakephp/cakephp/src/Error/Debugger.php line=853 [CORE/src/Http/ResponseEmitter.php, line 48]
Code Context
            if (Configure::read('debug')) {

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<span class="code-highlight"><code><span style="color: #000000">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&lt;link&nbsp;rel="canonical"&nbsp;href="<span style="color: #0000BB">&lt;?php&nbsp;</span><span style="color: #007700">echo&nbsp;</span><span style="color: #0000BB">Configure</span><span style="color: #007700">::</span><span style="color: #0000BB">read</span><span style="color: #007700">(</span><span style="color: #DD0000">'SITE_URL'</span><span style="color: #007700">);&nbsp;</span><span style="color: #0000BB">?&gt;&lt;?php&nbsp;</span><span style="color: #007700">echo&nbsp;</span><span style="color: #0000BB">$urlPrefix</span><span style="color: #007700">;</span><span style="color: #0000BB">?&gt;&lt;?php&nbsp;</span><span style="color: #007700">echo&nbsp;</span><span style="color: #0000BB">$article_current</span><span style="color: #007700">-&gt;</span><span style="color: #0000BB">category</span><span style="color: #007700">-&gt;</span><span style="color: #0000BB">slug</span><span style="color: #007700">;&nbsp;</span><span style="color: #0000BB">?&gt;</span>/<span style="color: #0000BB">&lt;?php&nbsp;</span><span style="color: #007700">echo&nbsp;</span><span style="color: #0000BB">$article_current</span><span style="color: #007700">-&gt;</span><span style="color: #0000BB">seo_url</span><span style="color: #007700">;&nbsp;</span><span style="color: #0000BB">?&gt;</span>.html"/&gt;
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-The Indian Express&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;Data on hate crime needs to be collected through recording bias indicators, group identity of victims and the nature of violence.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
In the midst of a perceptible rise in cases of lynching and mob violence against religious and caste minorities, the Supreme Court has called for firm action to prevent, remedy and punish these horrific acts. On July 17, the Court issued guidelines and also recommended that Parliament enact a law that establishes lynching as an offence. Considering the urgent need, these prescriptions require well-informed debate, discussion and consultation. As a starting point, comprehensive and accurate data is crucial for the proper implementation of the Court&amp;rsquo;s orders and in the larger battle against mob lynching and violence.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Civil society organisations have consistently demanded more comprehensive data to understand and track the upsurge of mob violence. For a well-informed political debate, it is imperative that we build an understanding of the contexts and motivations of these crimes. Accurate data is the necessary baseline needed to track the incidence and frequency of lynching. The learnings that emerge will expose deficits in response and accountability, and enable the design of meaningful institutional reforms in policing and prosecution.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
The civil society demand stems from a dearth of reliable state-backed data. In March, in response to a question raised in Parliament on the number of lynchings that had taken place, the minister of state for home, Hansraj Ahir, provided the information that from 2014-2017, there had been 40 incidents of &amp;ldquo;lynching of people&amp;rdquo;. This is a grave understatement of the problem, not least evident from the fact that states like Haryana and Madhya Pradesh, which have seen some of the most horrific instances of mob violence, were reported to have no cases at all. In contrast, as the evidence collected by IndiaSpend suggests, during this period, there were as many as 76 cow-related violent incidents reported in English news media alone.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Perhaps because of the clamour for data, as reported in the media, the Ministry of Home Affairs has recently asked the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) to collect data on &amp;ldquo;mob lynching&amp;rdquo; as part of its annual Crime in India report. This will begin with the 2017 report, which will be published later this year, for which the data collection should be ongoing. In the absence of any information in the public domain of any proposed parameters on the basis of which this complex data is being collected, several critical questions arise.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
There is no indication that the NCRB has laid down a definition of lynching. How lynching is defined is central to collecting data on it, particularly as it needs to be distinguished from acts of violence perpetrated for any motivation. The newness of dealing with this issue makes it difficult even for the police to understand what &amp;ldquo;mob lynching&amp;rdquo; means. With a phrase so open to interpretation without proper guidelines, the incidents will inevitably be recorded arbitrarily and divergently across police stations. It is not clear if NCRB will record the group identity of the victims. With nothing to go on, it also can be presumed that NCRB plans to record this category only in cases of murders, thus excluding a range of other crimes including sexual violence. Unless substantially supplemented and also disaggregated into its components at the collection stage, this mode of collecting data on &amp;ldquo;mob lynching&amp;rdquo; will not yield anything meaningful about the nature and impact of this violence. Even more alarmingly, these inaccuracies may well lead to further obfuscation and even evading of state accountability.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/mob-lynching-cases-in-india-vigilantism-incidents-supreme-court-narendra-modi-govt-national-crime-records-bureau-5278269/&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;&#039;,
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-The Indian Express

Data on hate crime needs to be collected through recording bias indicators, group identity of victims and the nature of violence.

In the midst of a perceptible rise in cases of lynching and mob violence against religious and caste...&#039;,
	&#039;disp&#039; =&gt; &#039;&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;-The Indian Express&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;Data on hate crime needs to be collected through recording bias indicators, group identity of victims and the nature of violence.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In the midst of a perceptible rise in cases of lynching and mob violence against religious and caste minorities, the Supreme Court has called for firm action to prevent, remedy and punish these horrific acts. On July 17, the Court issued guidelines and also recommended that Parliament enact a law that establishes lynching as an offence. Considering the urgent need, these prescriptions require well-informed debate, discussion and consultation. As a starting point, comprehensive and accurate data is crucial for the proper implementation of the Court&amp;rsquo;s orders and in the larger battle against mob lynching and violence.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Civil society organisations have consistently demanded more comprehensive data to understand and track the upsurge of mob violence. For a well-informed political debate, it is imperative that we build an understanding of the contexts and motivations of these crimes. Accurate data is the necessary baseline needed to track the incidence and frequency of lynching. The learnings that emerge will expose deficits in response and accountability, and enable the design of meaningful institutional reforms in policing and prosecution.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The civil society demand stems from a dearth of reliable state-backed data. In March, in response to a question raised in Parliament on the number of lynchings that had taken place, the minister of state for home, Hansraj Ahir, provided the information that from 2014-2017, there had been 40 incidents of &amp;ldquo;lynching of people&amp;rdquo;. This is a grave understatement of the problem, not least evident from the fact that states like Haryana and Madhya Pradesh, which have seen some of the most horrific instances of mob violence, were reported to have no cases at all. In contrast, as the evidence collected by IndiaSpend suggests, during this period, there were as many as 76 cow-related violent incidents reported in English news media alone.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Perhaps because of the clamour for data, as reported in the media, the Ministry of Home Affairs has recently asked the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) to collect data on &amp;ldquo;mob lynching&amp;rdquo; as part of its annual Crime in India report. This will begin with the 2017 report, which will be published later this year, for which the data collection should be ongoing. In the absence of any information in the public domain of any proposed parameters on the basis of which this complex data is being collected, several critical questions arise.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;There is no indication that the NCRB has laid down a definition of lynching. How lynching is defined is central to collecting data on it, particularly as it needs to be distinguished from acts of violence perpetrated for any motivation. The newness of dealing with this issue makes it difficult even for the police to understand what &amp;ldquo;mob lynching&amp;rdquo; means. With a phrase so open to interpretation without proper guidelines, the incidents will inevitably be recorded arbitrarily and divergently across police stations. It is not clear if NCRB will record the group identity of the victims. With nothing to go on, it also can be presumed that NCRB plans to record this category only in cases of murders, thus excluding a range of other crimes including sexual violence. Unless substantially supplemented and also disaggregated into its components at the collection stage, this mode of collecting data on &amp;ldquo;mob lynching&amp;rdquo; will not yield anything meaningful about the nature and impact of this violence. Even more alarmingly, these inaccuracies may well lead to further obfuscation and even evading of state accountability.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/mob-lynching-cases-in-india-vigilantism-incidents-supreme-court-narendra-modi-govt-national-crime-records-bureau-5278269/&quot; title=&quot;https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/mob-lynching-cases-in-india-vigilantism-incidents-supreme-court-narendra-modi-govt-national-crime-records-bureau-5278269/&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;&#039;,
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-The Indian Express&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;Data on hate crime needs to be collected through recording bias indicators, group identity of victims and the nature of violence.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
In the midst of a perceptible rise in cases of lynching and mob violence against religious and caste minorities, the Supreme Court has called for firm action to prevent, remedy and punish these horrific acts. On July 17, the Court issued guidelines and also recommended that Parliament enact a law that establishes lynching as an offence. Considering the urgent need, these prescriptions require well-informed debate, discussion and consultation. As a starting point, comprehensive and accurate data is crucial for the proper implementation of the Court&amp;rsquo;s orders and in the larger battle against mob lynching and violence.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Civil society organisations have consistently demanded more comprehensive data to understand and track the upsurge of mob violence. For a well-informed political debate, it is imperative that we build an understanding of the contexts and motivations of these crimes. Accurate data is the necessary baseline needed to track the incidence and frequency of lynching. The learnings that emerge will expose deficits in response and accountability, and enable the design of meaningful institutional reforms in policing and prosecution.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
The civil society demand stems from a dearth of reliable state-backed data. In March, in response to a question raised in Parliament on the number of lynchings that had taken place, the minister of state for home, Hansraj Ahir, provided the information that from 2014-2017, there had been 40 incidents of &amp;ldquo;lynching of people&amp;rdquo;. This is a grave understatement of the problem, not least evident from the fact that states like Haryana and Madhya Pradesh, which have seen some of the most horrific instances of mob violence, were reported to have no cases at all. In contrast, as the evidence collected by IndiaSpend suggests, during this period, there were as many as 76 cow-related violent incidents reported in English news media alone.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Perhaps because of the clamour for data, as reported in the media, the Ministry of Home Affairs has recently asked the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) to collect data on &amp;ldquo;mob lynching&amp;rdquo; as part of its annual Crime in India report. This will begin with the 2017 report, which will be published later this year, for which the data collection should be ongoing. In the absence of any information in the public domain of any proposed parameters on the basis of which this complex data is being collected, several critical questions arise.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
There is no indication that the NCRB has laid down a definition of lynching. How lynching is defined is central to collecting data on it, particularly as it needs to be distinguished from acts of violence perpetrated for any motivation. The newness of dealing with this issue makes it difficult even for the police to understand what &amp;ldquo;mob lynching&amp;rdquo; means. With a phrase so open to interpretation without proper guidelines, the incidents will inevitably be recorded arbitrarily and divergently across police stations. It is not clear if NCRB will record the group identity of the victims. With nothing to go on, it also can be presumed that NCRB plans to record this category only in cases of murders, thus excluding a range of other crimes including sexual violence. Unless substantially supplemented and also disaggregated into its components at the collection stage, this mode of collecting data on &amp;ldquo;mob lynching&amp;rdquo; will not yield anything meaningful about the nature and impact of this violence. Even more alarmingly, these inaccuracies may well lead to further obfuscation and even evading of state accountability.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/mob-lynching-cases-in-india-vigilantism-incidents-supreme-court-narendra-modi-govt-national-crime-records-bureau-5278269/&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;&#039;,
	&#039;credit_writer&#039; =&gt; &#039;The Indian Express, 27 July, 2018, https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/mob-lynching-cases-in-india-vigilantism-incidents-supreme-court-narendra-modi-govt-national-crime-records-bureau-52&#039;,
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-The Indian Express

Data on hate crime needs to be collected through recording bias indicators, group identity of victims and the nature of violence.

In the midst of a perceptible rise in cases of lynching and mob violence against religious and caste...&#039;
$disp = &#039;&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;-The Indian Express&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;Data on hate crime needs to be collected through recording bias indicators, group identity of victims and the nature of violence.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In the midst of a perceptible rise in cases of lynching and mob violence against religious and caste minorities, the Supreme Court has called for firm action to prevent, remedy and punish these horrific acts. On July 17, the Court issued guidelines and also recommended that Parliament enact a law that establishes lynching as an offence. Considering the urgent need, these prescriptions require well-informed debate, discussion and consultation. As a starting point, comprehensive and accurate data is crucial for the proper implementation of the Court&amp;rsquo;s orders and in the larger battle against mob lynching and violence.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Civil society organisations have consistently demanded more comprehensive data to understand and track the upsurge of mob violence. For a well-informed political debate, it is imperative that we build an understanding of the contexts and motivations of these crimes. Accurate data is the necessary baseline needed to track the incidence and frequency of lynching. The learnings that emerge will expose deficits in response and accountability, and enable the design of meaningful institutional reforms in policing and prosecution.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The civil society demand stems from a dearth of reliable state-backed data. In March, in response to a question raised in Parliament on the number of lynchings that had taken place, the minister of state for home, Hansraj Ahir, provided the information that from 2014-2017, there had been 40 incidents of &amp;ldquo;lynching of people&amp;rdquo;. This is a grave understatement of the problem, not least evident from the fact that states like Haryana and Madhya Pradesh, which have seen some of the most horrific instances of mob violence, were reported to have no cases at all. In contrast, as the evidence collected by IndiaSpend suggests, during this period, there were as many as 76 cow-related violent incidents reported in English news media alone.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Perhaps because of the clamour for data, as reported in the media, the Ministry of Home Affairs has recently asked the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) to collect data on &amp;ldquo;mob lynching&amp;rdquo; as part of its annual Crime in India report. This will begin with the 2017 report, which will be published later this year, for which the data collection should be ongoing. In the absence of any information in the public domain of any proposed parameters on the basis of which this complex data is being collected, several critical questions arise.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;There is no indication that the NCRB has laid down a definition of lynching. How lynching is defined is central to collecting data on it, particularly as it needs to be distinguished from acts of violence perpetrated for any motivation. The newness of dealing with this issue makes it difficult even for the police to understand what &amp;ldquo;mob lynching&amp;rdquo; means. With a phrase so open to interpretation without proper guidelines, the incidents will inevitably be recorded arbitrarily and divergently across police stations. It is not clear if NCRB will record the group identity of the victims. With nothing to go on, it also can be presumed that NCRB plans to record this category only in cases of murders, thus excluding a range of other crimes including sexual violence. Unless substantially supplemented and also disaggregated into its components at the collection stage, this mode of collecting data on &amp;ldquo;mob lynching&amp;rdquo; will not yield anything meaningful about the nature and impact of this violence. Even more alarmingly, these inaccuracies may well lead to further obfuscation and even evading of state accountability.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/mob-lynching-cases-in-india-vigilantism-incidents-supreme-court-narendra-modi-govt-national-crime-records-bureau-5278269/&quot; title=&quot;https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/mob-lynching-cases-in-india-vigilantism-incidents-supreme-court-narendra-modi-govt-national-crime-records-bureau-5278269/&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;&#039;
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Data on hate crime needs to be collected through recording bias indicators, group identity of victims and the nature of violence.

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                <strong>How to count lynchings -Mohsin Alam Bhat</strong></h1>
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                <div align="justify">-The Indian Express<br /><br /><em>Data on hate crime needs to be collected through recording bias indicators, group identity of victims and the nature of violence.<br /></em><br />In the midst of a perceptible rise in cases of lynching and mob violence against religious and caste minorities, the Supreme Court has called for firm action to prevent, remedy and punish these horrific acts. On July 17, the Court issued guidelines and also recommended that Parliament enact a law that establishes lynching as an offence. Considering the urgent need, these prescriptions require well-informed debate, discussion and consultation. As a starting point, comprehensive and accurate data is crucial for the proper implementation of the Court&rsquo;s orders and in the larger battle against mob lynching and violence.<br /><br />Civil society organisations have consistently demanded more comprehensive data to understand and track the upsurge of mob violence. For a well-informed political debate, it is imperative that we build an understanding of the contexts and motivations of these crimes. Accurate data is the necessary baseline needed to track the incidence and frequency of lynching. The learnings that emerge will expose deficits in response and accountability, and enable the design of meaningful institutional reforms in policing and prosecution.<br /><br />The civil society demand stems from a dearth of reliable state-backed data. In March, in response to a question raised in Parliament on the number of lynchings that had taken place, the minister of state for home, Hansraj Ahir, provided the information that from 2014-2017, there had been 40 incidents of &ldquo;lynching of people&rdquo;. This is a grave understatement of the problem, not least evident from the fact that states like Haryana and Madhya Pradesh, which have seen some of the most horrific instances of mob violence, were reported to have no cases at all. In contrast, as the evidence collected by IndiaSpend suggests, during this period, there were as many as 76 cow-related violent incidents reported in English news media alone.<br /><br />Perhaps because of the clamour for data, as reported in the media, the Ministry of Home Affairs has recently asked the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) to collect data on &ldquo;mob lynching&rdquo; as part of its annual Crime in India report. This will begin with the 2017 report, which will be published later this year, for which the data collection should be ongoing. In the absence of any information in the public domain of any proposed parameters on the basis of which this complex data is being collected, several critical questions arise.<br /><br />There is no indication that the NCRB has laid down a definition of lynching. How lynching is defined is central to collecting data on it, particularly as it needs to be distinguished from acts of violence perpetrated for any motivation. The newness of dealing with this issue makes it difficult even for the police to understand what &ldquo;mob lynching&rdquo; means. With a phrase so open to interpretation without proper guidelines, the incidents will inevitably be recorded arbitrarily and divergently across police stations. It is not clear if NCRB will record the group identity of the victims. With nothing to go on, it also can be presumed that NCRB plans to record this category only in cases of murders, thus excluding a range of other crimes including sexual violence. Unless substantially supplemented and also disaggregated into its components at the collection stage, this mode of collecting data on &ldquo;mob lynching&rdquo; will not yield anything meaningful about the nature and impact of this violence. Even more alarmingly, these inaccuracies may well lead to further obfuscation and even evading of state accountability.<br /><br />Please <a href="https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/mob-lynching-cases-in-india-vigilantism-incidents-supreme-court-narendra-modi-govt-national-crime-records-bureau-5278269/" title="https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/mob-lynching-cases-in-india-vigilantism-incidents-supreme-court-narendra-modi-govt-national-crime-records-bureau-5278269/">click here</a> to read more. <br /></div>               </font>
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-The Indian Express&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;Data on hate crime needs to be collected through recording bias indicators, group identity of victims and the nature of violence.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
In the midst of a perceptible rise in cases of lynching and mob violence against religious and caste minorities, the Supreme Court has called for firm action to prevent, remedy and punish these horrific acts. On July 17, the Court issued guidelines and also recommended that Parliament enact a law that establishes lynching as an offence. Considering the urgent need, these prescriptions require well-informed debate, discussion and consultation. As a starting point, comprehensive and accurate data is crucial for the proper implementation of the Court&amp;rsquo;s orders and in the larger battle against mob lynching and violence.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Civil society organisations have consistently demanded more comprehensive data to understand and track the upsurge of mob violence. For a well-informed political debate, it is imperative that we build an understanding of the contexts and motivations of these crimes. Accurate data is the necessary baseline needed to track the incidence and frequency of lynching. The learnings that emerge will expose deficits in response and accountability, and enable the design of meaningful institutional reforms in policing and prosecution.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
The civil society demand stems from a dearth of reliable state-backed data. In March, in response to a question raised in Parliament on the number of lynchings that had taken place, the minister of state for home, Hansraj Ahir, provided the information that from 2014-2017, there had been 40 incidents of &amp;ldquo;lynching of people&amp;rdquo;. This is a grave understatement of the problem, not least evident from the fact that states like Haryana and Madhya Pradesh, which have seen some of the most horrific instances of mob violence, were reported to have no cases at all. In contrast, as the evidence collected by IndiaSpend suggests, during this period, there were as many as 76 cow-related violent incidents reported in English news media alone.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Perhaps because of the clamour for data, as reported in the media, the Ministry of Home Affairs has recently asked the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) to collect data on &amp;ldquo;mob lynching&amp;rdquo; as part of its annual Crime in India report. This will begin with the 2017 report, which will be published later this year, for which the data collection should be ongoing. In the absence of any information in the public domain of any proposed parameters on the basis of which this complex data is being collected, several critical questions arise.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
There is no indication that the NCRB has laid down a definition of lynching. How lynching is defined is central to collecting data on it, particularly as it needs to be distinguished from acts of violence perpetrated for any motivation. The newness of dealing with this issue makes it difficult even for the police to understand what &amp;ldquo;mob lynching&amp;rdquo; means. With a phrase so open to interpretation without proper guidelines, the incidents will inevitably be recorded arbitrarily and divergently across police stations. It is not clear if NCRB will record the group identity of the victims. With nothing to go on, it also can be presumed that NCRB plans to record this category only in cases of murders, thus excluding a range of other crimes including sexual violence. Unless substantially supplemented and also disaggregated into its components at the collection stage, this mode of collecting data on &amp;ldquo;mob lynching&amp;rdquo; will not yield anything meaningful about the nature and impact of this violence. Even more alarmingly, these inaccuracies may well lead to further obfuscation and even evading of state accountability.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/mob-lynching-cases-in-india-vigilantism-incidents-supreme-court-narendra-modi-govt-national-crime-records-bureau-5278269/&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;
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Data on hate crime needs to be collected through recording bias indicators, group identity of victims and the nature of violence.

In the midst of a perceptible rise in cases of lynching and mob violence against religious and caste...&#039;,
	&#039;disp&#039; =&gt; &#039;&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;-The Indian Express&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;Data on hate crime needs to be collected through recording bias indicators, group identity of victims and the nature of violence.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In the midst of a perceptible rise in cases of lynching and mob violence against religious and caste minorities, the Supreme Court has called for firm action to prevent, remedy and punish these horrific acts. On July 17, the Court issued guidelines and also recommended that Parliament enact a law that establishes lynching as an offence. Considering the urgent need, these prescriptions require well-informed debate, discussion and consultation. As a starting point, comprehensive and accurate data is crucial for the proper implementation of the Court&amp;rsquo;s orders and in the larger battle against mob lynching and violence.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Civil society organisations have consistently demanded more comprehensive data to understand and track the upsurge of mob violence. For a well-informed political debate, it is imperative that we build an understanding of the contexts and motivations of these crimes. Accurate data is the necessary baseline needed to track the incidence and frequency of lynching. The learnings that emerge will expose deficits in response and accountability, and enable the design of meaningful institutional reforms in policing and prosecution.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The civil society demand stems from a dearth of reliable state-backed data. In March, in response to a question raised in Parliament on the number of lynchings that had taken place, the minister of state for home, Hansraj Ahir, provided the information that from 2014-2017, there had been 40 incidents of &amp;ldquo;lynching of people&amp;rdquo;. This is a grave understatement of the problem, not least evident from the fact that states like Haryana and Madhya Pradesh, which have seen some of the most horrific instances of mob violence, were reported to have no cases at all. In contrast, as the evidence collected by IndiaSpend suggests, during this period, there were as many as 76 cow-related violent incidents reported in English news media alone.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Perhaps because of the clamour for data, as reported in the media, the Ministry of Home Affairs has recently asked the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) to collect data on &amp;ldquo;mob lynching&amp;rdquo; as part of its annual Crime in India report. This will begin with the 2017 report, which will be published later this year, for which the data collection should be ongoing. In the absence of any information in the public domain of any proposed parameters on the basis of which this complex data is being collected, several critical questions arise.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;There is no indication that the NCRB has laid down a definition of lynching. How lynching is defined is central to collecting data on it, particularly as it needs to be distinguished from acts of violence perpetrated for any motivation. The newness of dealing with this issue makes it difficult even for the police to understand what &amp;ldquo;mob lynching&amp;rdquo; means. With a phrase so open to interpretation without proper guidelines, the incidents will inevitably be recorded arbitrarily and divergently across police stations. It is not clear if NCRB will record the group identity of the victims. With nothing to go on, it also can be presumed that NCRB plans to record this category only in cases of murders, thus excluding a range of other crimes including sexual violence. Unless substantially supplemented and also disaggregated into its components at the collection stage, this mode of collecting data on &amp;ldquo;mob lynching&amp;rdquo; will not yield anything meaningful about the nature and impact of this violence. Even more alarmingly, these inaccuracies may well lead to further obfuscation and even evading of state accountability.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/mob-lynching-cases-in-india-vigilantism-incidents-supreme-court-narendra-modi-govt-national-crime-records-bureau-5278269/&quot; title=&quot;https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/mob-lynching-cases-in-india-vigilantism-incidents-supreme-court-narendra-modi-govt-national-crime-records-bureau-5278269/&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;&#039;,
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-The Indian Express&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;Data on hate crime needs to be collected through recording bias indicators, group identity of victims and the nature of violence.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
In the midst of a perceptible rise in cases of lynching and mob violence against religious and caste minorities, the Supreme Court has called for firm action to prevent, remedy and punish these horrific acts. On July 17, the Court issued guidelines and also recommended that Parliament enact a law that establishes lynching as an offence. Considering the urgent need, these prescriptions require well-informed debate, discussion and consultation. As a starting point, comprehensive and accurate data is crucial for the proper implementation of the Court&amp;rsquo;s orders and in the larger battle against mob lynching and violence.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Civil society organisations have consistently demanded more comprehensive data to understand and track the upsurge of mob violence. For a well-informed political debate, it is imperative that we build an understanding of the contexts and motivations of these crimes. Accurate data is the necessary baseline needed to track the incidence and frequency of lynching. The learnings that emerge will expose deficits in response and accountability, and enable the design of meaningful institutional reforms in policing and prosecution.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
The civil society demand stems from a dearth of reliable state-backed data. In March, in response to a question raised in Parliament on the number of lynchings that had taken place, the minister of state for home, Hansraj Ahir, provided the information that from 2014-2017, there had been 40 incidents of &amp;ldquo;lynching of people&amp;rdquo;. This is a grave understatement of the problem, not least evident from the fact that states like Haryana and Madhya Pradesh, which have seen some of the most horrific instances of mob violence, were reported to have no cases at all. In contrast, as the evidence collected by IndiaSpend suggests, during this period, there were as many as 76 cow-related violent incidents reported in English news media alone.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Perhaps because of the clamour for data, as reported in the media, the Ministry of Home Affairs has recently asked the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) to collect data on &amp;ldquo;mob lynching&amp;rdquo; as part of its annual Crime in India report. This will begin with the 2017 report, which will be published later this year, for which the data collection should be ongoing. In the absence of any information in the public domain of any proposed parameters on the basis of which this complex data is being collected, several critical questions arise.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
There is no indication that the NCRB has laid down a definition of lynching. How lynching is defined is central to collecting data on it, particularly as it needs to be distinguished from acts of violence perpetrated for any motivation. The newness of dealing with this issue makes it difficult even for the police to understand what &amp;ldquo;mob lynching&amp;rdquo; means. With a phrase so open to interpretation without proper guidelines, the incidents will inevitably be recorded arbitrarily and divergently across police stations. It is not clear if NCRB will record the group identity of the victims. With nothing to go on, it also can be presumed that NCRB plans to record this category only in cases of murders, thus excluding a range of other crimes including sexual violence. Unless substantially supplemented and also disaggregated into its components at the collection stage, this mode of collecting data on &amp;ldquo;mob lynching&amp;rdquo; will not yield anything meaningful about the nature and impact of this violence. Even more alarmingly, these inaccuracies may well lead to further obfuscation and even evading of state accountability.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/mob-lynching-cases-in-india-vigilantism-incidents-supreme-court-narendra-modi-govt-national-crime-records-bureau-5278269/&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;
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Data on hate crime needs to be collected through recording bias indicators, group identity of victims and the nature of violence.

In the midst of a perceptible rise in cases of lynching and mob violence against religious and caste...&#039;
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-The Indian Express

Data on hate crime needs to be collected through recording bias indicators, group identity of victims and the nature of violence.

In the midst of a perceptible rise in cases of lynching and mob violence against religious and caste..."/>
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                <strong>How to count lynchings -Mohsin Alam Bhat</strong></h1>
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                <div align="justify">-The Indian Express<br /><br /><em>Data on hate crime needs to be collected through recording bias indicators, group identity of victims and the nature of violence.<br /></em><br />In the midst of a perceptible rise in cases of lynching and mob violence against religious and caste minorities, the Supreme Court has called for firm action to prevent, remedy and punish these horrific acts. On July 17, the Court issued guidelines and also recommended that Parliament enact a law that establishes lynching as an offence. Considering the urgent need, these prescriptions require well-informed debate, discussion and consultation. As a starting point, comprehensive and accurate data is crucial for the proper implementation of the Court&rsquo;s orders and in the larger battle against mob lynching and violence.<br /><br />Civil society organisations have consistently demanded more comprehensive data to understand and track the upsurge of mob violence. For a well-informed political debate, it is imperative that we build an understanding of the contexts and motivations of these crimes. Accurate data is the necessary baseline needed to track the incidence and frequency of lynching. The learnings that emerge will expose deficits in response and accountability, and enable the design of meaningful institutional reforms in policing and prosecution.<br /><br />The civil society demand stems from a dearth of reliable state-backed data. In March, in response to a question raised in Parliament on the number of lynchings that had taken place, the minister of state for home, Hansraj Ahir, provided the information that from 2014-2017, there had been 40 incidents of &ldquo;lynching of people&rdquo;. This is a grave understatement of the problem, not least evident from the fact that states like Haryana and Madhya Pradesh, which have seen some of the most horrific instances of mob violence, were reported to have no cases at all. In contrast, as the evidence collected by IndiaSpend suggests, during this period, there were as many as 76 cow-related violent incidents reported in English news media alone.<br /><br />Perhaps because of the clamour for data, as reported in the media, the Ministry of Home Affairs has recently asked the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) to collect data on &ldquo;mob lynching&rdquo; as part of its annual Crime in India report. This will begin with the 2017 report, which will be published later this year, for which the data collection should be ongoing. In the absence of any information in the public domain of any proposed parameters on the basis of which this complex data is being collected, several critical questions arise.<br /><br />There is no indication that the NCRB has laid down a definition of lynching. How lynching is defined is central to collecting data on it, particularly as it needs to be distinguished from acts of violence perpetrated for any motivation. The newness of dealing with this issue makes it difficult even for the police to understand what &ldquo;mob lynching&rdquo; means. With a phrase so open to interpretation without proper guidelines, the incidents will inevitably be recorded arbitrarily and divergently across police stations. It is not clear if NCRB will record the group identity of the victims. With nothing to go on, it also can be presumed that NCRB plans to record this category only in cases of murders, thus excluding a range of other crimes including sexual violence. Unless substantially supplemented and also disaggregated into its components at the collection stage, this mode of collecting data on &ldquo;mob lynching&rdquo; will not yield anything meaningful about the nature and impact of this violence. Even more alarmingly, these inaccuracies may well lead to further obfuscation and even evading of state accountability.<br /><br />Please <a href="https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/mob-lynching-cases-in-india-vigilantism-incidents-supreme-court-narendra-modi-govt-national-crime-records-bureau-5278269/" title="https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/mob-lynching-cases-in-india-vigilantism-incidents-supreme-court-narendra-modi-govt-national-crime-records-bureau-5278269/">click here</a> to read more. <br /></div>               </font>
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-The Indian Express&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;Data on hate crime needs to be collected through recording bias indicators, group identity of victims and the nature of violence.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
In the midst of a perceptible rise in cases of lynching and mob violence against religious and caste minorities, the Supreme Court has called for firm action to prevent, remedy and punish these horrific acts. On July 17, the Court issued guidelines and also recommended that Parliament enact a law that establishes lynching as an offence. Considering the urgent need, these prescriptions require well-informed debate, discussion and consultation. As a starting point, comprehensive and accurate data is crucial for the proper implementation of the Court&amp;rsquo;s orders and in the larger battle against mob lynching and violence.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Civil society organisations have consistently demanded more comprehensive data to understand and track the upsurge of mob violence. For a well-informed political debate, it is imperative that we build an understanding of the contexts and motivations of these crimes. Accurate data is the necessary baseline needed to track the incidence and frequency of lynching. The learnings that emerge will expose deficits in response and accountability, and enable the design of meaningful institutional reforms in policing and prosecution.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
The civil society demand stems from a dearth of reliable state-backed data. In March, in response to a question raised in Parliament on the number of lynchings that had taken place, the minister of state for home, Hansraj Ahir, provided the information that from 2014-2017, there had been 40 incidents of &amp;ldquo;lynching of people&amp;rdquo;. This is a grave understatement of the problem, not least evident from the fact that states like Haryana and Madhya Pradesh, which have seen some of the most horrific instances of mob violence, were reported to have no cases at all. In contrast, as the evidence collected by IndiaSpend suggests, during this period, there were as many as 76 cow-related violent incidents reported in English news media alone.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Perhaps because of the clamour for data, as reported in the media, the Ministry of Home Affairs has recently asked the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) to collect data on &amp;ldquo;mob lynching&amp;rdquo; as part of its annual Crime in India report. This will begin with the 2017 report, which will be published later this year, for which the data collection should be ongoing. In the absence of any information in the public domain of any proposed parameters on the basis of which this complex data is being collected, several critical questions arise.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
There is no indication that the NCRB has laid down a definition of lynching. How lynching is defined is central to collecting data on it, particularly as it needs to be distinguished from acts of violence perpetrated for any motivation. The newness of dealing with this issue makes it difficult even for the police to understand what &amp;ldquo;mob lynching&amp;rdquo; means. With a phrase so open to interpretation without proper guidelines, the incidents will inevitably be recorded arbitrarily and divergently across police stations. It is not clear if NCRB will record the group identity of the victims. With nothing to go on, it also can be presumed that NCRB plans to record this category only in cases of murders, thus excluding a range of other crimes including sexual violence. Unless substantially supplemented and also disaggregated into its components at the collection stage, this mode of collecting data on &amp;ldquo;mob lynching&amp;rdquo; will not yield anything meaningful about the nature and impact of this violence. Even more alarmingly, these inaccuracies may well lead to further obfuscation and even evading of state accountability.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/mob-lynching-cases-in-india-vigilantism-incidents-supreme-court-narendra-modi-govt-national-crime-records-bureau-5278269/&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;
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-The Indian Express

Data on hate crime needs to be collected through recording bias indicators, group identity of victims and the nature of violence.

In the midst of a perceptible rise in cases of lynching and mob violence against religious and caste...&#039;,
	&#039;disp&#039; =&gt; &#039;&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;-The Indian Express&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;Data on hate crime needs to be collected through recording bias indicators, group identity of victims and the nature of violence.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In the midst of a perceptible rise in cases of lynching and mob violence against religious and caste minorities, the Supreme Court has called for firm action to prevent, remedy and punish these horrific acts. On July 17, the Court issued guidelines and also recommended that Parliament enact a law that establishes lynching as an offence. Considering the urgent need, these prescriptions require well-informed debate, discussion and consultation. As a starting point, comprehensive and accurate data is crucial for the proper implementation of the Court&amp;rsquo;s orders and in the larger battle against mob lynching and violence.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Civil society organisations have consistently demanded more comprehensive data to understand and track the upsurge of mob violence. For a well-informed political debate, it is imperative that we build an understanding of the contexts and motivations of these crimes. Accurate data is the necessary baseline needed to track the incidence and frequency of lynching. The learnings that emerge will expose deficits in response and accountability, and enable the design of meaningful institutional reforms in policing and prosecution.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The civil society demand stems from a dearth of reliable state-backed data. In March, in response to a question raised in Parliament on the number of lynchings that had taken place, the minister of state for home, Hansraj Ahir, provided the information that from 2014-2017, there had been 40 incidents of &amp;ldquo;lynching of people&amp;rdquo;. This is a grave understatement of the problem, not least evident from the fact that states like Haryana and Madhya Pradesh, which have seen some of the most horrific instances of mob violence, were reported to have no cases at all. In contrast, as the evidence collected by IndiaSpend suggests, during this period, there were as many as 76 cow-related violent incidents reported in English news media alone.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Perhaps because of the clamour for data, as reported in the media, the Ministry of Home Affairs has recently asked the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) to collect data on &amp;ldquo;mob lynching&amp;rdquo; as part of its annual Crime in India report. This will begin with the 2017 report, which will be published later this year, for which the data collection should be ongoing. In the absence of any information in the public domain of any proposed parameters on the basis of which this complex data is being collected, several critical questions arise.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;There is no indication that the NCRB has laid down a definition of lynching. How lynching is defined is central to collecting data on it, particularly as it needs to be distinguished from acts of violence perpetrated for any motivation. The newness of dealing with this issue makes it difficult even for the police to understand what &amp;ldquo;mob lynching&amp;rdquo; means. With a phrase so open to interpretation without proper guidelines, the incidents will inevitably be recorded arbitrarily and divergently across police stations. It is not clear if NCRB will record the group identity of the victims. With nothing to go on, it also can be presumed that NCRB plans to record this category only in cases of murders, thus excluding a range of other crimes including sexual violence. Unless substantially supplemented and also disaggregated into its components at the collection stage, this mode of collecting data on &amp;ldquo;mob lynching&amp;rdquo; will not yield anything meaningful about the nature and impact of this violence. Even more alarmingly, these inaccuracies may well lead to further obfuscation and even evading of state accountability.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/mob-lynching-cases-in-india-vigilantism-incidents-supreme-court-narendra-modi-govt-national-crime-records-bureau-5278269/&quot; title=&quot;https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/mob-lynching-cases-in-india-vigilantism-incidents-supreme-court-narendra-modi-govt-national-crime-records-bureau-5278269/&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;&#039;,
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-The Indian Express&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;Data on hate crime needs to be collected through recording bias indicators, group identity of victims and the nature of violence.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
In the midst of a perceptible rise in cases of lynching and mob violence against religious and caste minorities, the Supreme Court has called for firm action to prevent, remedy and punish these horrific acts. On July 17, the Court issued guidelines and also recommended that Parliament enact a law that establishes lynching as an offence. Considering the urgent need, these prescriptions require well-informed debate, discussion and consultation. As a starting point, comprehensive and accurate data is crucial for the proper implementation of the Court&amp;rsquo;s orders and in the larger battle against mob lynching and violence.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Civil society organisations have consistently demanded more comprehensive data to understand and track the upsurge of mob violence. For a well-informed political debate, it is imperative that we build an understanding of the contexts and motivations of these crimes. Accurate data is the necessary baseline needed to track the incidence and frequency of lynching. The learnings that emerge will expose deficits in response and accountability, and enable the design of meaningful institutional reforms in policing and prosecution.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
The civil society demand stems from a dearth of reliable state-backed data. In March, in response to a question raised in Parliament on the number of lynchings that had taken place, the minister of state for home, Hansraj Ahir, provided the information that from 2014-2017, there had been 40 incidents of &amp;ldquo;lynching of people&amp;rdquo;. This is a grave understatement of the problem, not least evident from the fact that states like Haryana and Madhya Pradesh, which have seen some of the most horrific instances of mob violence, were reported to have no cases at all. In contrast, as the evidence collected by IndiaSpend suggests, during this period, there were as many as 76 cow-related violent incidents reported in English news media alone.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Perhaps because of the clamour for data, as reported in the media, the Ministry of Home Affairs has recently asked the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) to collect data on &amp;ldquo;mob lynching&amp;rdquo; as part of its annual Crime in India report. This will begin with the 2017 report, which will be published later this year, for which the data collection should be ongoing. In the absence of any information in the public domain of any proposed parameters on the basis of which this complex data is being collected, several critical questions arise.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
There is no indication that the NCRB has laid down a definition of lynching. How lynching is defined is central to collecting data on it, particularly as it needs to be distinguished from acts of violence perpetrated for any motivation. The newness of dealing with this issue makes it difficult even for the police to understand what &amp;ldquo;mob lynching&amp;rdquo; means. With a phrase so open to interpretation without proper guidelines, the incidents will inevitably be recorded arbitrarily and divergently across police stations. It is not clear if NCRB will record the group identity of the victims. With nothing to go on, it also can be presumed that NCRB plans to record this category only in cases of murders, thus excluding a range of other crimes including sexual violence. Unless substantially supplemented and also disaggregated into its components at the collection stage, this mode of collecting data on &amp;ldquo;mob lynching&amp;rdquo; will not yield anything meaningful about the nature and impact of this violence. Even more alarmingly, these inaccuracies may well lead to further obfuscation and even evading of state accountability.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/mob-lynching-cases-in-india-vigilantism-incidents-supreme-court-narendra-modi-govt-national-crime-records-bureau-5278269/&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;&#039;,
	&#039;credit_writer&#039; =&gt; &#039;The Indian Express, 27 July, 2018, https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/mob-lynching-cases-in-india-vigilantism-incidents-supreme-court-narendra-modi-govt-national-crime-records-bureau-52&#039;,
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Data on hate crime needs to be collected through recording bias indicators, group identity of victims and the nature of violence.

In the midst of a perceptible rise in cases of lynching and mob violence against religious and caste...&#039;
$disp = &#039;&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;-The Indian Express&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;Data on hate crime needs to be collected through recording bias indicators, group identity of victims and the nature of violence.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In the midst of a perceptible rise in cases of lynching and mob violence against religious and caste minorities, the Supreme Court has called for firm action to prevent, remedy and punish these horrific acts. On July 17, the Court issued guidelines and also recommended that Parliament enact a law that establishes lynching as an offence. Considering the urgent need, these prescriptions require well-informed debate, discussion and consultation. As a starting point, comprehensive and accurate data is crucial for the proper implementation of the Court&amp;rsquo;s orders and in the larger battle against mob lynching and violence.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Civil society organisations have consistently demanded more comprehensive data to understand and track the upsurge of mob violence. For a well-informed political debate, it is imperative that we build an understanding of the contexts and motivations of these crimes. Accurate data is the necessary baseline needed to track the incidence and frequency of lynching. The learnings that emerge will expose deficits in response and accountability, and enable the design of meaningful institutional reforms in policing and prosecution.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The civil society demand stems from a dearth of reliable state-backed data. In March, in response to a question raised in Parliament on the number of lynchings that had taken place, the minister of state for home, Hansraj Ahir, provided the information that from 2014-2017, there had been 40 incidents of &amp;ldquo;lynching of people&amp;rdquo;. This is a grave understatement of the problem, not least evident from the fact that states like Haryana and Madhya Pradesh, which have seen some of the most horrific instances of mob violence, were reported to have no cases at all. In contrast, as the evidence collected by IndiaSpend suggests, during this period, there were as many as 76 cow-related violent incidents reported in English news media alone.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Perhaps because of the clamour for data, as reported in the media, the Ministry of Home Affairs has recently asked the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) to collect data on &amp;ldquo;mob lynching&amp;rdquo; as part of its annual Crime in India report. This will begin with the 2017 report, which will be published later this year, for which the data collection should be ongoing. In the absence of any information in the public domain of any proposed parameters on the basis of which this complex data is being collected, several critical questions arise.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;There is no indication that the NCRB has laid down a definition of lynching. How lynching is defined is central to collecting data on it, particularly as it needs to be distinguished from acts of violence perpetrated for any motivation. The newness of dealing with this issue makes it difficult even for the police to understand what &amp;ldquo;mob lynching&amp;rdquo; means. With a phrase so open to interpretation without proper guidelines, the incidents will inevitably be recorded arbitrarily and divergently across police stations. It is not clear if NCRB will record the group identity of the victims. With nothing to go on, it also can be presumed that NCRB plans to record this category only in cases of murders, thus excluding a range of other crimes including sexual violence. Unless substantially supplemented and also disaggregated into its components at the collection stage, this mode of collecting data on &amp;ldquo;mob lynching&amp;rdquo; will not yield anything meaningful about the nature and impact of this violence. Even more alarmingly, these inaccuracies may well lead to further obfuscation and even evading of state accountability.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/mob-lynching-cases-in-india-vigilantism-incidents-supreme-court-narendra-modi-govt-national-crime-records-bureau-5278269/&quot; title=&quot;https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/mob-lynching-cases-in-india-vigilantism-incidents-supreme-court-narendra-modi-govt-national-crime-records-bureau-5278269/&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;&#039;
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Data on hate crime needs to be collected through recording bias indicators, group identity of victims and the nature of violence.

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                <strong>How to count lynchings -Mohsin Alam Bhat</strong></h1>
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                <div align="justify">-The Indian Express<br /><br /><em>Data on hate crime needs to be collected through recording bias indicators, group identity of victims and the nature of violence.<br /></em><br />In the midst of a perceptible rise in cases of lynching and mob violence against religious and caste minorities, the Supreme Court has called for firm action to prevent, remedy and punish these horrific acts. On July 17, the Court issued guidelines and also recommended that Parliament enact a law that establishes lynching as an offence. Considering the urgent need, these prescriptions require well-informed debate, discussion and consultation. As a starting point, comprehensive and accurate data is crucial for the proper implementation of the Court&rsquo;s orders and in the larger battle against mob lynching and violence.<br /><br />Civil society organisations have consistently demanded more comprehensive data to understand and track the upsurge of mob violence. For a well-informed political debate, it is imperative that we build an understanding of the contexts and motivations of these crimes. Accurate data is the necessary baseline needed to track the incidence and frequency of lynching. The learnings that emerge will expose deficits in response and accountability, and enable the design of meaningful institutional reforms in policing and prosecution.<br /><br />The civil society demand stems from a dearth of reliable state-backed data. In March, in response to a question raised in Parliament on the number of lynchings that had taken place, the minister of state for home, Hansraj Ahir, provided the information that from 2014-2017, there had been 40 incidents of &ldquo;lynching of people&rdquo;. This is a grave understatement of the problem, not least evident from the fact that states like Haryana and Madhya Pradesh, which have seen some of the most horrific instances of mob violence, were reported to have no cases at all. In contrast, as the evidence collected by IndiaSpend suggests, during this period, there were as many as 76 cow-related violent incidents reported in English news media alone.<br /><br />Perhaps because of the clamour for data, as reported in the media, the Ministry of Home Affairs has recently asked the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) to collect data on &ldquo;mob lynching&rdquo; as part of its annual Crime in India report. This will begin with the 2017 report, which will be published later this year, for which the data collection should be ongoing. In the absence of any information in the public domain of any proposed parameters on the basis of which this complex data is being collected, several critical questions arise.<br /><br />There is no indication that the NCRB has laid down a definition of lynching. How lynching is defined is central to collecting data on it, particularly as it needs to be distinguished from acts of violence perpetrated for any motivation. The newness of dealing with this issue makes it difficult even for the police to understand what &ldquo;mob lynching&rdquo; means. With a phrase so open to interpretation without proper guidelines, the incidents will inevitably be recorded arbitrarily and divergently across police stations. It is not clear if NCRB will record the group identity of the victims. With nothing to go on, it also can be presumed that NCRB plans to record this category only in cases of murders, thus excluding a range of other crimes including sexual violence. Unless substantially supplemented and also disaggregated into its components at the collection stage, this mode of collecting data on &ldquo;mob lynching&rdquo; will not yield anything meaningful about the nature and impact of this violence. Even more alarmingly, these inaccuracies may well lead to further obfuscation and even evading of state accountability.<br /><br />Please <a href="https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/mob-lynching-cases-in-india-vigilantism-incidents-supreme-court-narendra-modi-govt-national-crime-records-bureau-5278269/" title="https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/mob-lynching-cases-in-india-vigilantism-incidents-supreme-court-narendra-modi-govt-national-crime-records-bureau-5278269/">click here</a> to read more. <br /></div>               </font>
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-The Indian Express<br />
<br />
<em>Data on hate crime needs to be collected through recording bias indicators, group identity of victims and the nature of violence.<br />
</em><br />
In the midst of a perceptible rise in cases of lynching and mob violence against religious and caste minorities, the Supreme Court has called for firm action to prevent, remedy and punish these horrific acts. On July 17, the Court issued guidelines and also recommended that Parliament enact a law that establishes lynching as an offence. Considering the urgent need, these prescriptions require well-informed debate, discussion and consultation. As a starting point, comprehensive and accurate data is crucial for the proper implementation of the Court&rsquo;s orders and in the larger battle against mob lynching and violence.<br />
<br />
Civil society organisations have consistently demanded more comprehensive data to understand and track the upsurge of mob violence. For a well-informed political debate, it is imperative that we build an understanding of the contexts and motivations of these crimes. Accurate data is the necessary baseline needed to track the incidence and frequency of lynching. The learnings that emerge will expose deficits in response and accountability, and enable the design of meaningful institutional reforms in policing and prosecution.<br />
<br />
The civil society demand stems from a dearth of reliable state-backed data. In March, in response to a question raised in Parliament on the number of lynchings that had taken place, the minister of state for home, Hansraj Ahir, provided the information that from 2014-2017, there had been 40 incidents of &ldquo;lynching of people&rdquo;. This is a grave understatement of the problem, not least evident from the fact that states like Haryana and Madhya Pradesh, which have seen some of the most horrific instances of mob violence, were reported to have no cases at all. In contrast, as the evidence collected by IndiaSpend suggests, during this period, there were as many as 76 cow-related violent incidents reported in English news media alone.<br />
<br />
Perhaps because of the clamour for data, as reported in the media, the Ministry of Home Affairs has recently asked the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) to collect data on &ldquo;mob lynching&rdquo; as part of its annual Crime in India report. This will begin with the 2017 report, which will be published later this year, for which the data collection should be ongoing. In the absence of any information in the public domain of any proposed parameters on the basis of which this complex data is being collected, several critical questions arise.<br />
<br />
There is no indication that the NCRB has laid down a definition of lynching. How lynching is defined is central to collecting data on it, particularly as it needs to be distinguished from acts of violence perpetrated for any motivation. The newness of dealing with this issue makes it difficult even for the police to understand what &ldquo;mob lynching&rdquo; means. With a phrase so open to interpretation without proper guidelines, the incidents will inevitably be recorded arbitrarily and divergently across police stations. It is not clear if NCRB will record the group identity of the victims. With nothing to go on, it also can be presumed that NCRB plans to record this category only in cases of murders, thus excluding a range of other crimes including sexual violence. Unless substantially supplemented and also disaggregated into its components at the collection stage, this mode of collecting data on &ldquo;mob lynching&rdquo; will not yield anything meaningful about the nature and impact of this violence. Even more alarmingly, these inaccuracies may well lead to further obfuscation and even evading of state accountability.<br />
<br />
Please <a href="https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/mob-lynching-cases-in-india-vigilantism-incidents-supreme-court-narendra-modi-govt-national-crime-records-bureau-5278269/">click here</a> to read more. <br />
</div>',
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-The Indian Express

Data on hate crime needs to be collected through recording bias indicators, group identity of victims and the nature of violence.

In the midst of a perceptible rise in cases of lynching and mob violence against religious and caste...',
	'disp' => '<div align="justify">-The Indian Express<br /><br /><em>Data on hate crime needs to be collected through recording bias indicators, group identity of victims and the nature of violence.<br /></em><br />In the midst of a perceptible rise in cases of lynching and mob violence against religious and caste minorities, the Supreme Court has called for firm action to prevent, remedy and punish these horrific acts. On July 17, the Court issued guidelines and also recommended that Parliament enact a law that establishes lynching as an offence. Considering the urgent need, these prescriptions require well-informed debate, discussion and consultation. As a starting point, comprehensive and accurate data is crucial for the proper implementation of the Court&rsquo;s orders and in the larger battle against mob lynching and violence.<br /><br />Civil society organisations have consistently demanded more comprehensive data to understand and track the upsurge of mob violence. For a well-informed political debate, it is imperative that we build an understanding of the contexts and motivations of these crimes. Accurate data is the necessary baseline needed to track the incidence and frequency of lynching. The learnings that emerge will expose deficits in response and accountability, and enable the design of meaningful institutional reforms in policing and prosecution.<br /><br />The civil society demand stems from a dearth of reliable state-backed data. In March, in response to a question raised in Parliament on the number of lynchings that had taken place, the minister of state for home, Hansraj Ahir, provided the information that from 2014-2017, there had been 40 incidents of &ldquo;lynching of people&rdquo;. This is a grave understatement of the problem, not least evident from the fact that states like Haryana and Madhya Pradesh, which have seen some of the most horrific instances of mob violence, were reported to have no cases at all. In contrast, as the evidence collected by IndiaSpend suggests, during this period, there were as many as 76 cow-related violent incidents reported in English news media alone.<br /><br />Perhaps because of the clamour for data, as reported in the media, the Ministry of Home Affairs has recently asked the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) to collect data on &ldquo;mob lynching&rdquo; as part of its annual Crime in India report. This will begin with the 2017 report, which will be published later this year, for which the data collection should be ongoing. In the absence of any information in the public domain of any proposed parameters on the basis of which this complex data is being collected, several critical questions arise.<br /><br />There is no indication that the NCRB has laid down a definition of lynching. How lynching is defined is central to collecting data on it, particularly as it needs to be distinguished from acts of violence perpetrated for any motivation. The newness of dealing with this issue makes it difficult even for the police to understand what &ldquo;mob lynching&rdquo; means. With a phrase so open to interpretation without proper guidelines, the incidents will inevitably be recorded arbitrarily and divergently across police stations. It is not clear if NCRB will record the group identity of the victims. With nothing to go on, it also can be presumed that NCRB plans to record this category only in cases of murders, thus excluding a range of other crimes including sexual violence. Unless substantially supplemented and also disaggregated into its components at the collection stage, this mode of collecting data on &ldquo;mob lynching&rdquo; will not yield anything meaningful about the nature and impact of this violence. Even more alarmingly, these inaccuracies may well lead to further obfuscation and even evading of state accountability.<br /><br />Please <a href="https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/mob-lynching-cases-in-india-vigilantism-incidents-supreme-court-narendra-modi-govt-national-crime-records-bureau-5278269/" title="https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/mob-lynching-cases-in-india-vigilantism-incidents-supreme-court-narendra-modi-govt-national-crime-records-bureau-5278269/">click here</a> to read more. <br /></div>',
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	'title' => 'How to count lynchings -Mohsin Alam Bhat',
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-The Indian Express<br />
<br />
<em>Data on hate crime needs to be collected through recording bias indicators, group identity of victims and the nature of violence.<br />
</em><br />
In the midst of a perceptible rise in cases of lynching and mob violence against religious and caste minorities, the Supreme Court has called for firm action to prevent, remedy and punish these horrific acts. On July 17, the Court issued guidelines and also recommended that Parliament enact a law that establishes lynching as an offence. Considering the urgent need, these prescriptions require well-informed debate, discussion and consultation. As a starting point, comprehensive and accurate data is crucial for the proper implementation of the Court&rsquo;s orders and in the larger battle against mob lynching and violence.<br />
<br />
Civil society organisations have consistently demanded more comprehensive data to understand and track the upsurge of mob violence. For a well-informed political debate, it is imperative that we build an understanding of the contexts and motivations of these crimes. Accurate data is the necessary baseline needed to track the incidence and frequency of lynching. The learnings that emerge will expose deficits in response and accountability, and enable the design of meaningful institutional reforms in policing and prosecution.<br />
<br />
The civil society demand stems from a dearth of reliable state-backed data. In March, in response to a question raised in Parliament on the number of lynchings that had taken place, the minister of state for home, Hansraj Ahir, provided the information that from 2014-2017, there had been 40 incidents of &ldquo;lynching of people&rdquo;. This is a grave understatement of the problem, not least evident from the fact that states like Haryana and Madhya Pradesh, which have seen some of the most horrific instances of mob violence, were reported to have no cases at all. In contrast, as the evidence collected by IndiaSpend suggests, during this period, there were as many as 76 cow-related violent incidents reported in English news media alone.<br />
<br />
Perhaps because of the clamour for data, as reported in the media, the Ministry of Home Affairs has recently asked the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) to collect data on &ldquo;mob lynching&rdquo; as part of its annual Crime in India report. This will begin with the 2017 report, which will be published later this year, for which the data collection should be ongoing. In the absence of any information in the public domain of any proposed parameters on the basis of which this complex data is being collected, several critical questions arise.<br />
<br />
There is no indication that the NCRB has laid down a definition of lynching. How lynching is defined is central to collecting data on it, particularly as it needs to be distinguished from acts of violence perpetrated for any motivation. The newness of dealing with this issue makes it difficult even for the police to understand what &ldquo;mob lynching&rdquo; means. With a phrase so open to interpretation without proper guidelines, the incidents will inevitably be recorded arbitrarily and divergently across police stations. It is not clear if NCRB will record the group identity of the victims. With nothing to go on, it also can be presumed that NCRB plans to record this category only in cases of murders, thus excluding a range of other crimes including sexual violence. Unless substantially supplemented and also disaggregated into its components at the collection stage, this mode of collecting data on &ldquo;mob lynching&rdquo; will not yield anything meaningful about the nature and impact of this violence. Even more alarmingly, these inaccuracies may well lead to further obfuscation and even evading of state accountability.<br />
<br />
Please <a href="https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/mob-lynching-cases-in-india-vigilantism-incidents-supreme-court-narendra-modi-govt-national-crime-records-bureau-5278269/">click here</a> to read more. <br />
</div>',
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-The Indian Express

Data on hate crime needs to be collected through recording bias indicators, group identity of victims and the nature of violence.

In the midst of a perceptible rise in cases of lynching and mob violence against religious and caste...'
$disp = '<div align="justify">-The Indian Express<br /><br /><em>Data on hate crime needs to be collected through recording bias indicators, group identity of victims and the nature of violence.<br /></em><br />In the midst of a perceptible rise in cases of lynching and mob violence against religious and caste minorities, the Supreme Court has called for firm action to prevent, remedy and punish these horrific acts. On July 17, the Court issued guidelines and also recommended that Parliament enact a law that establishes lynching as an offence. Considering the urgent need, these prescriptions require well-informed debate, discussion and consultation. As a starting point, comprehensive and accurate data is crucial for the proper implementation of the Court&rsquo;s orders and in the larger battle against mob lynching and violence.<br /><br />Civil society organisations have consistently demanded more comprehensive data to understand and track the upsurge of mob violence. For a well-informed political debate, it is imperative that we build an understanding of the contexts and motivations of these crimes. Accurate data is the necessary baseline needed to track the incidence and frequency of lynching. The learnings that emerge will expose deficits in response and accountability, and enable the design of meaningful institutional reforms in policing and prosecution.<br /><br />The civil society demand stems from a dearth of reliable state-backed data. In March, in response to a question raised in Parliament on the number of lynchings that had taken place, the minister of state for home, Hansraj Ahir, provided the information that from 2014-2017, there had been 40 incidents of &ldquo;lynching of people&rdquo;. This is a grave understatement of the problem, not least evident from the fact that states like Haryana and Madhya Pradesh, which have seen some of the most horrific instances of mob violence, were reported to have no cases at all. In contrast, as the evidence collected by IndiaSpend suggests, during this period, there were as many as 76 cow-related violent incidents reported in English news media alone.<br /><br />Perhaps because of the clamour for data, as reported in the media, the Ministry of Home Affairs has recently asked the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) to collect data on &ldquo;mob lynching&rdquo; as part of its annual Crime in India report. This will begin with the 2017 report, which will be published later this year, for which the data collection should be ongoing. In the absence of any information in the public domain of any proposed parameters on the basis of which this complex data is being collected, several critical questions arise.<br /><br />There is no indication that the NCRB has laid down a definition of lynching. How lynching is defined is central to collecting data on it, particularly as it needs to be distinguished from acts of violence perpetrated for any motivation. The newness of dealing with this issue makes it difficult even for the police to understand what &ldquo;mob lynching&rdquo; means. With a phrase so open to interpretation without proper guidelines, the incidents will inevitably be recorded arbitrarily and divergently across police stations. It is not clear if NCRB will record the group identity of the victims. With nothing to go on, it also can be presumed that NCRB plans to record this category only in cases of murders, thus excluding a range of other crimes including sexual violence. Unless substantially supplemented and also disaggregated into its components at the collection stage, this mode of collecting data on &ldquo;mob lynching&rdquo; will not yield anything meaningful about the nature and impact of this violence. Even more alarmingly, these inaccuracies may well lead to further obfuscation and even evading of state accountability.<br /><br />Please <a href="https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/mob-lynching-cases-in-india-vigilantism-incidents-supreme-court-narendra-modi-govt-national-crime-records-bureau-5278269/" title="https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/mob-lynching-cases-in-india-vigilantism-incidents-supreme-court-narendra-modi-govt-national-crime-records-bureau-5278269/">click here</a> to read more. <br /></div>'
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How to count lynchings -Mohsin Alam Bhat

-The Indian Express Data on hate crime needs to be collected through recording bias indicators, group identity of victims and the nature of violence. In the midst of a perceptible rise in cases of lynching and mob violence against religious and caste minorities, the Supreme Court has called for firm action to prevent, remedy and punish these horrific acts. On July 17, the Court issued guidelines and also recommended that Parliament enact a law that establishes lynching as an offence. Considering the urgent need, these prescriptions require well-informed debate, discussion and consultation. As a starting point, comprehensive and accurate data is crucial for the proper implementation of the Court’s orders and in the larger battle against mob lynching and violence. Civil society organisations have consistently demanded more comprehensive data to understand and track the upsurge of mob violence. For a well-informed political debate, it is imperative that we build an understanding of the contexts and motivations of these crimes. Accurate data is the necessary baseline needed to track the incidence and frequency of lynching. The learnings that emerge will expose deficits in response and accountability, and enable the design of meaningful institutional reforms in policing and prosecution. The civil society demand stems from a dearth of reliable state-backed data. In March, in response to a question raised in Parliament on the number of lynchings that had taken place, the minister of state for home, Hansraj Ahir, provided the information that from 2014-2017, there had been 40 incidents of “lynching of people”. This is a grave understatement of the problem, not least evident from the fact that states like Haryana and Madhya Pradesh, which have seen some of the most horrific instances of mob violence, were reported to have no cases at all. In contrast, as the evidence collected by IndiaSpend suggests, during this period, there were as many as 76 cow-related violent incidents reported in English news media alone. Perhaps because of the clamour for data, as reported in the media, the Ministry of Home Affairs has recently asked the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) to collect data on “mob lynching” as part of its annual Crime in India report. This will begin with the 2017 report, which will be published later this year, for which the data collection should be ongoing. In the absence of any information in the public domain of any proposed parameters on the basis of which this complex data is being collected, several critical questions arise. There is no indication that the NCRB has laid down a definition of lynching. How lynching is defined is central to collecting data on it, particularly as it needs to be distinguished from acts of violence perpetrated for any motivation. The newness of dealing with this issue makes it difficult even for the police to understand what “mob lynching” means. With a phrase so open to interpretation without proper guidelines, the incidents will inevitably be recorded arbitrarily and divergently across police stations. It is not clear if NCRB will record the group identity of the victims. With nothing to go on, it also can be presumed that NCRB plans to record this category only in cases of murders, thus excluding a range of other crimes including sexual violence. Unless substantially supplemented and also disaggregated into its components at the collection stage, this mode of collecting data on “mob lynching” will not yield anything meaningful about the nature and impact of this violence. Even more alarmingly, these inaccuracies may well lead to further obfuscation and even evading of state accountability. Please click here to read more.