Deprecated (16384): The ArrayAccess methods will be removed in 4.0.0.Use getParam(), getData() and getQuery() instead. - /home/brlfuser/public_html/src/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line: 73
 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php. [CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311]
Code Context


        trigger_error($message, E_USER_DEPRECATED);

    }
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 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php.'
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deprecationWarning - CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311
Cake\Http\ServerRequest::offsetGet() - CORE/src/Http/ServerRequest.php, line 2421
App\Controller\ArtileDetailController::printArticle() - APP/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line 73
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Cake\Http\ActionDispatcher::_invoke() - CORE/src/Http/ActionDispatcher.php, line 120
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Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
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Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Http\Runner::run() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 51
Cake\Http\Server::run() - CORE/src/Http/Server.php, line 98

Deprecated (16384): The ArrayAccess methods will be removed in 4.0.0.Use getParam(), getData() and getQuery() instead. - /home/brlfuser/public_html/src/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line: 74
 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php. [CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311]
Code Context


        trigger_error($message, E_USER_DEPRECATED);

    }
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 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php.'
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deprecationWarning - CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311
Cake\Http\ServerRequest::offsetGet() - CORE/src/Http/ServerRequest.php, line 2421
App\Controller\ArtileDetailController::printArticle() - APP/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line 74
Cake\Controller\Controller::invokeAction() - CORE/src/Controller/Controller.php, line 610
Cake\Http\ActionDispatcher::_invoke() - CORE/src/Http/ActionDispatcher.php, line 120
Cake\Http\ActionDispatcher::dispatch() - CORE/src/Http/ActionDispatcher.php, line 94
Cake\Http\BaseApplication::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/BaseApplication.php, line 235
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Routing\Middleware\RoutingMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Routing/Middleware/RoutingMiddleware.php, line 162
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Routing\Middleware\AssetMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Routing/Middleware/AssetMiddleware.php, line 88
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Error\Middleware\ErrorHandlerMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Error/Middleware/ErrorHandlerMiddleware.php, line 96
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Http\Runner::run() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 51
Cake\Http\Server::run() - CORE/src/Http/Server.php, line 98

Warning (512): Unable to emit headers. Headers sent in file=/home/brlfuser/public_html/vendor/cakephp/cakephp/src/Error/Debugger.php line=853 [CORE/src/Http/ResponseEmitter.php, line 48]
Code Context
            if (Configure::read('debug')) {

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    <link rel="canonical" href="https://im4change.in/<pre class="cake-error"><a href="javascript:void(0);" onclick="document.getElementById('cakeErr67f1f9d2000de-trace').style.display = (document.getElementById('cakeErr67f1f9d2000de-trace').style.display == 'none' ? '' : 'none');"><b>Notice</b> (8)</a>: Undefined variable: urlPrefix [<b>APP/Template/Layout/printlayout.ctp</b>, line <b>8</b>]<div id="cakeErr67f1f9d2000de-trace" class="cake-stack-trace" style="display: none;"><a href="javascript:void(0);" onclick="document.getElementById('cakeErr67f1f9d2000de-code').style.display = (document.getElementById('cakeErr67f1f9d2000de-code').style.display == 'none' ? '' : 'none')">Code</a> <a href="javascript:void(0);" onclick="document.getElementById('cakeErr67f1f9d2000de-context').style.display = (document.getElementById('cakeErr67f1f9d2000de-context').style.display == 'none' ? '' : 'none')">Context</a><pre id="cakeErr67f1f9d2000de-code" class="cake-code-dump" style="display: none;"><code><span style="color: #000000"><span style="color: #0000BB"></span><span style="color: #007700">&lt;</span><span style="color: #0000BB">head</span><span style="color: #007700">&gt;
</span></span></code>
<span class="code-highlight"><code><span style="color: #000000">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&lt;link&nbsp;rel="canonical"&nbsp;href="<span style="color: #0000BB">&lt;?php&nbsp;</span><span style="color: #007700">echo&nbsp;</span><span style="color: #0000BB">Configure</span><span style="color: #007700">::</span><span style="color: #0000BB">read</span><span style="color: #007700">(</span><span style="color: #DD0000">'SITE_URL'</span><span style="color: #007700">);&nbsp;</span><span style="color: #0000BB">?&gt;&lt;?php&nbsp;</span><span style="color: #007700">echo&nbsp;</span><span style="color: #0000BB">$urlPrefix</span><span style="color: #007700">;</span><span style="color: #0000BB">?&gt;&lt;?php&nbsp;</span><span style="color: #007700">echo&nbsp;</span><span style="color: #0000BB">$article_current</span><span style="color: #007700">-&gt;</span><span style="color: #0000BB">category</span><span style="color: #007700">-&gt;</span><span style="color: #0000BB">slug</span><span style="color: #007700">;&nbsp;</span><span style="color: #0000BB">?&gt;</span>/<span style="color: #0000BB">&lt;?php&nbsp;</span><span style="color: #007700">echo&nbsp;</span><span style="color: #0000BB">$article_current</span><span style="color: #007700">-&gt;</span><span style="color: #0000BB">seo_url</span><span style="color: #007700">;&nbsp;</span><span style="color: #0000BB">?&gt;</span>.html"/&gt;
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</span></span></code></pre><pre id="cakeErr67f1f9d2000de-context" class="cake-context" style="display: none;">$viewFile = &#039;/home/brlfuser/public_html/src/Template/Layout/printlayout.ctp&#039;
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		&#039;description&#039; =&gt; &#039;&lt;p style=&quot;outline-style: none; margin-top: 0px&quot; align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;
-The Hindu 
&lt;/p&gt;
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&amp;nbsp;
&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style=&quot;outline-style: none; margin-top: 0px&quot; align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;
More
than 23 years after the bombing that signalled the beginning of the 
murderous insurgency in Jammu and Kashmir, India&#039;s strategic 
establishment is demonstrating a curious unwillingness to grasp the fact
that the war to restore peace has been won. Ever since 2009, Chief 
Minister Omar Abdullah has been advocating the withdrawal of the 
controversial Armed Forces Special Powers Act from parts of the State, 
as a first step towards an incremental rollback of the Army&#039;s presence 
in civilian-inhabited areas &amp;mdash; a source of everyday friction with 
civilians. Even though Union Home Minister P. Chidambaram has backed the
idea, and a report by three government interlocutors has endorsed it, 
New Delhi has proved unwilling to act, in part because of bitter 
resistance by the Indian Army. Based on an analysis of central 
government data, this newspaper reported on Friday that J&amp;amp;K was more
peaceful than many &amp;lsquo;perfectly peaceful&#039; States &amp;mdash; among them, 
economically vibrant Haryana. In population-adjusted terms, violent 
deaths in J&amp;amp;K &amp;mdash; those of terrorists and security force personnel, as
well as murders of civilians, whether terrorism-related or otherwise &amp;mdash; 
were at the same level as in Bihar, and not significantly higher than in
Delhi. No one in New Delhi, though, wishes to be charged with 
overruling an assessment by the armed forces &amp;mdash; an assessment which, 
regrettably, is driven more by fear than hard-headed strategic sense.
&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;p style=&quot;outline-style: none; margin-top: 0px&quot; align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;
Three
spurious arguments are being used to justify the status quo. First, the
Army contends that the situation across the Line of Control needs a 
robust military presence. But Mr. Abdullah isn&#039;t proposing removing a 
single soldier. His proposals would only lift AFSPA from two areas where
the Army in any case has no security responsibilities. If things went 
well, troops would be freed up for deployment along the LoC, leaving the
State and central police forces to deal with the degraded insurgency. 
Secondly, it is claimed that without AFSPA, the Army will not be able to
stage counter-terrorism operations in an emergency. Proponents of this 
argument forget that AFSPA did not have to be imposed to allow the Army 
to assist in the defence of Parliament House when it came under 
terrorist attack in 2001 &amp;mdash; and that the Army staged many successful 
counter-terrorism operations in Jammu province before AFSPA was imposed 
there in 2001. Finally, some argue that the AFSPA-free enclaves will be 
magnets for terrorists. This, too, makes little sense, since the Army is
not present in the enclaves anyway &amp;mdash; and it is improbable that 
terrorists have not established themselves there for fear of a mere law.
Chief Minister Abdullah&#039;s proposals do entail risks. Yet not taking 
those risks involves heavy costs &amp;mdash; key among them, creating a reservoir 
of frustration and anger that will undermine the hard-won peace that so 
many Indian soldiers gave their lives for.
&lt;/p&gt;&#039;,
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-The Hindu 


&amp;nbsp;


More
than 23 years after the bombing that signalled the beginning of the 
murderous insurgency in Jammu and Kashmir, India&#039;s strategic 
establishment is demonstrating a curious unwillingness to grasp the fact
that the war to restore peace has been won....&#039;,
	&#039;disp&#039; =&gt; &#039;&lt;p style=&quot;outline-style: none; margin-top: 0px&quot; align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;-The Hindu &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p style=&quot;outline-style: none; margin-top: 0px&quot; align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p style=&quot;outline-style: none; margin-top: 0px&quot; align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;Morethan 23 years after the bombing that signalled the beginning of the murderous insurgency in Jammu and Kashmir, India&#039;s strategic establishment is demonstrating a curious unwillingness to grasp the factthat the war to restore peace has been won. Ever since 2009, Chief Minister Omar Abdullah has been advocating the withdrawal of the controversial Armed Forces Special Powers Act from parts of the State, as a first step towards an incremental rollback of the Army&#039;s presence in civilian-inhabited areas &amp;mdash; a source of everyday friction with civilians. Even though Union Home Minister P. Chidambaram has backed theidea, and a report by three government interlocutors has endorsed it, New Delhi has proved unwilling to act, in part because of bitter resistance by the Indian Army. Based on an analysis of central government data, this newspaper reported on Friday that J&amp;amp;K was morepeaceful than many &amp;lsquo;perfectly peaceful&#039; States &amp;mdash; among them, economically vibrant Haryana. In population-adjusted terms, violent deaths in J&amp;amp;K &amp;mdash; those of terrorists and security force personnel, aswell as murders of civilians, whether terrorism-related or otherwise &amp;mdash; were at the same level as in Bihar, and not significantly higher than inDelhi. No one in New Delhi, though, wishes to be charged with overruling an assessment by the armed forces &amp;mdash; an assessment which, regrettably, is driven more by fear than hard-headed strategic sense.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;&lt;/div&gt;&lt;p style=&quot;outline-style: none; margin-top: 0px&quot; align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;Threespurious arguments are being used to justify the status quo. First, theArmy contends that the situation across the Line of Control needs a robust military presence. But Mr. Abdullah isn&#039;t proposing removing a single soldier. His proposals would only lift AFSPA from two areas wherethe Army in any case has no security responsibilities. If things went well, troops would be freed up for deployment along the LoC, leaving theState and central police forces to deal with the degraded insurgency. Secondly, it is claimed that without AFSPA, the Army will not be able tostage counter-terrorism operations in an emergency. Proponents of this argument forget that AFSPA did not have to be imposed to allow the Army to assist in the defence of Parliament House when it came under terrorist attack in 2001 &amp;mdash; and that the Army staged many successful counter-terrorism operations in Jammu province before AFSPA was imposed there in 2001. Finally, some argue that the AFSPA-free enclaves will be magnets for terrorists. This, too, makes little sense, since the Army isnot present in the enclaves anyway &amp;mdash; and it is improbable that terrorists have not established themselves there for fear of a mere law.Chief Minister Abdullah&#039;s proposals do entail risks. Yet not taking those risks involves heavy costs &amp;mdash; key among them, creating a reservoir of frustration and anger that will undermine the hard-won peace that so many Indian soldiers gave their lives for.&lt;/p&gt;&#039;,
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&amp;nbsp;
&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style=&quot;outline-style: none; margin-top: 0px&quot; align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;
More
than 23 years after the bombing that signalled the beginning of the 
murderous insurgency in Jammu and Kashmir, India&#039;s strategic 
establishment is demonstrating a curious unwillingness to grasp the fact
that the war to restore peace has been won. Ever since 2009, Chief 
Minister Omar Abdullah has been advocating the withdrawal of the 
controversial Armed Forces Special Powers Act from parts of the State, 
as a first step towards an incremental rollback of the Army&#039;s presence 
in civilian-inhabited areas &amp;mdash; a source of everyday friction with 
civilians. Even though Union Home Minister P. Chidambaram has backed the
idea, and a report by three government interlocutors has endorsed it, 
New Delhi has proved unwilling to act, in part because of bitter 
resistance by the Indian Army. Based on an analysis of central 
government data, this newspaper reported on Friday that J&amp;amp;K was more
peaceful than many &amp;lsquo;perfectly peaceful&#039; States &amp;mdash; among them, 
economically vibrant Haryana. In population-adjusted terms, violent 
deaths in J&amp;amp;K &amp;mdash; those of terrorists and security force personnel, as
well as murders of civilians, whether terrorism-related or otherwise &amp;mdash; 
were at the same level as in Bihar, and not significantly higher than in
Delhi. No one in New Delhi, though, wishes to be charged with 
overruling an assessment by the armed forces &amp;mdash; an assessment which, 
regrettably, is driven more by fear than hard-headed strategic sense.
&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;p style=&quot;outline-style: none; margin-top: 0px&quot; align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;
Three
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robust military presence. But Mr. Abdullah isn&#039;t proposing removing a 
single soldier. His proposals would only lift AFSPA from two areas where
the Army in any case has no security responsibilities. If things went 
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State and central police forces to deal with the degraded insurgency. 
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terrorist attack in 2001 &amp;mdash; and that the Army staged many successful 
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magnets for terrorists. This, too, makes little sense, since the Army is
not present in the enclaves anyway &amp;mdash; and it is improbable that 
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Chief Minister Abdullah&#039;s proposals do entail risks. Yet not taking 
those risks involves heavy costs &amp;mdash; key among them, creating a reservoir 
of frustration and anger that will undermine the hard-won peace that so 
many Indian soldiers gave their lives for.
&lt;/p&gt;&#039;,
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-The Hindu 


&amp;nbsp;


More
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Cake\Controller\Controller::render() - CORE/src/Controller/Controller.php, line 791
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Cake\Http\ActionDispatcher::dispatch() - CORE/src/Http/ActionDispatcher.php, line 94
Cake\Http\BaseApplication::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/BaseApplication.php, line 235
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Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
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-The Hindu 


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More
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establishment is demonstrating a curious unwillingness to grasp the fact
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                <strong>Kashmir: why AFSPA must go</strong></h1>
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        <td width="100%" style="font-family:Arial, 'Segoe Script', 'Segoe UI', sans-serif, serif"><font size="3">
                <p style="outline-style: none; margin-top: 0px" align="justify">-The Hindu </p><p style="outline-style: none; margin-top: 0px" align="justify">&nbsp;</p><p style="outline-style: none; margin-top: 0px" align="justify">Morethan 23 years after the bombing that signalled the beginning of the murderous insurgency in Jammu and Kashmir, India's strategic establishment is demonstrating a curious unwillingness to grasp the factthat the war to restore peace has been won. Ever since 2009, Chief Minister Omar Abdullah has been advocating the withdrawal of the controversial Armed Forces Special Powers Act from parts of the State, as a first step towards an incremental rollback of the Army's presence in civilian-inhabited areas &mdash; a source of everyday friction with civilians. Even though Union Home Minister P. Chidambaram has backed theidea, and a report by three government interlocutors has endorsed it, New Delhi has proved unwilling to act, in part because of bitter resistance by the Indian Army. Based on an analysis of central government data, this newspaper reported on Friday that J&amp;K was morepeaceful than many &lsquo;perfectly peaceful' States &mdash; among them, economically vibrant Haryana. In population-adjusted terms, violent deaths in J&amp;K &mdash; those of terrorists and security force personnel, aswell as murders of civilians, whether terrorism-related or otherwise &mdash; were at the same level as in Bihar, and not significantly higher than inDelhi. No one in New Delhi, though, wishes to be charged with overruling an assessment by the armed forces &mdash; an assessment which, regrettably, is driven more by fear than hard-headed strategic sense.</p><div align="justify"></div><p style="outline-style: none; margin-top: 0px" align="justify">Threespurious arguments are being used to justify the status quo. First, theArmy contends that the situation across the Line of Control needs a robust military presence. But Mr. Abdullah isn't proposing removing a single soldier. His proposals would only lift AFSPA from two areas wherethe Army in any case has no security responsibilities. If things went well, troops would be freed up for deployment along the LoC, leaving theState and central police forces to deal with the degraded insurgency. Secondly, it is claimed that without AFSPA, the Army will not be able tostage counter-terrorism operations in an emergency. Proponents of this argument forget that AFSPA did not have to be imposed to allow the Army to assist in the defence of Parliament House when it came under terrorist attack in 2001 &mdash; and that the Army staged many successful counter-terrorism operations in Jammu province before AFSPA was imposed there in 2001. Finally, some argue that the AFSPA-free enclaves will be magnets for terrorists. This, too, makes little sense, since the Army isnot present in the enclaves anyway &mdash; and it is improbable that terrorists have not established themselves there for fear of a mere law.Chief Minister Abdullah's proposals do entail risks. Yet not taking those risks involves heavy costs &mdash; key among them, creating a reservoir of frustration and anger that will undermine the hard-won peace that so many Indian soldiers gave their lives for.</p>               </font>
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    <link rel="canonical" href="https://im4change.in/<pre class="cake-error"><a href="javascript:void(0);" onclick="document.getElementById('cakeErr67f1f9d2000de-trace').style.display = (document.getElementById('cakeErr67f1f9d2000de-trace').style.display == 'none' ? '' : 'none');"><b>Notice</b> (8)</a>: Undefined variable: urlPrefix [<b>APP/Template/Layout/printlayout.ctp</b>, line <b>8</b>]<div id="cakeErr67f1f9d2000de-trace" class="cake-stack-trace" style="display: none;"><a href="javascript:void(0);" onclick="document.getElementById('cakeErr67f1f9d2000de-code').style.display = (document.getElementById('cakeErr67f1f9d2000de-code').style.display == 'none' ? '' : 'none')">Code</a> <a href="javascript:void(0);" onclick="document.getElementById('cakeErr67f1f9d2000de-context').style.display = (document.getElementById('cakeErr67f1f9d2000de-context').style.display == 'none' ? '' : 'none')">Context</a><pre id="cakeErr67f1f9d2000de-code" class="cake-code-dump" style="display: none;"><code><span style="color: #000000"><span style="color: #0000BB"></span><span style="color: #007700">&lt;</span><span style="color: #0000BB">head</span><span style="color: #007700">&gt;
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-The Hindu 
&lt;/p&gt;
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&amp;nbsp;
&lt;/p&gt;
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More
than 23 years after the bombing that signalled the beginning of the 
murderous insurgency in Jammu and Kashmir, India&#039;s strategic 
establishment is demonstrating a curious unwillingness to grasp the fact
that the war to restore peace has been won. Ever since 2009, Chief 
Minister Omar Abdullah has been advocating the withdrawal of the 
controversial Armed Forces Special Powers Act from parts of the State, 
as a first step towards an incremental rollback of the Army&#039;s presence 
in civilian-inhabited areas &amp;mdash; a source of everyday friction with 
civilians. Even though Union Home Minister P. Chidambaram has backed the
idea, and a report by three government interlocutors has endorsed it, 
New Delhi has proved unwilling to act, in part because of bitter 
resistance by the Indian Army. Based on an analysis of central 
government data, this newspaper reported on Friday that J&amp;amp;K was more
peaceful than many &amp;lsquo;perfectly peaceful&#039; States &amp;mdash; among them, 
economically vibrant Haryana. In population-adjusted terms, violent 
deaths in J&amp;amp;K &amp;mdash; those of terrorists and security force personnel, as
well as murders of civilians, whether terrorism-related or otherwise &amp;mdash; 
were at the same level as in Bihar, and not significantly higher than in
Delhi. No one in New Delhi, though, wishes to be charged with 
overruling an assessment by the armed forces &amp;mdash; an assessment which, 
regrettably, is driven more by fear than hard-headed strategic sense.
&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;p style=&quot;outline-style: none; margin-top: 0px&quot; align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;
Three
spurious arguments are being used to justify the status quo. First, the
Army contends that the situation across the Line of Control needs a 
robust military presence. But Mr. Abdullah isn&#039;t proposing removing a 
single soldier. His proposals would only lift AFSPA from two areas where
the Army in any case has no security responsibilities. If things went 
well, troops would be freed up for deployment along the LoC, leaving the
State and central police forces to deal with the degraded insurgency. 
Secondly, it is claimed that without AFSPA, the Army will not be able to
stage counter-terrorism operations in an emergency. Proponents of this 
argument forget that AFSPA did not have to be imposed to allow the Army 
to assist in the defence of Parliament House when it came under 
terrorist attack in 2001 &amp;mdash; and that the Army staged many successful 
counter-terrorism operations in Jammu province before AFSPA was imposed 
there in 2001. Finally, some argue that the AFSPA-free enclaves will be 
magnets for terrorists. This, too, makes little sense, since the Army is
not present in the enclaves anyway &amp;mdash; and it is improbable that 
terrorists have not established themselves there for fear of a mere law.
Chief Minister Abdullah&#039;s proposals do entail risks. Yet not taking 
those risks involves heavy costs &amp;mdash; key among them, creating a reservoir 
of frustration and anger that will undermine the hard-won peace that so 
many Indian soldiers gave their lives for.
&lt;/p&gt;&#039;,
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More
than 23 years after the bombing that signalled the beginning of the 
murderous insurgency in Jammu and Kashmir, India&#039;s strategic 
establishment is demonstrating a curious unwillingness to grasp the fact
that the war to restore peace has been won....&#039;,
	&#039;disp&#039; =&gt; &#039;&lt;p style=&quot;outline-style: none; margin-top: 0px&quot; align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;-The Hindu &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p style=&quot;outline-style: none; margin-top: 0px&quot; align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p style=&quot;outline-style: none; margin-top: 0px&quot; align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;Morethan 23 years after the bombing that signalled the beginning of the murderous insurgency in Jammu and Kashmir, India&#039;s strategic establishment is demonstrating a curious unwillingness to grasp the factthat the war to restore peace has been won. Ever since 2009, Chief Minister Omar Abdullah has been advocating the withdrawal of the controversial Armed Forces Special Powers Act from parts of the State, as a first step towards an incremental rollback of the Army&#039;s presence in civilian-inhabited areas &amp;mdash; a source of everyday friction with civilians. Even though Union Home Minister P. Chidambaram has backed theidea, and a report by three government interlocutors has endorsed it, New Delhi has proved unwilling to act, in part because of bitter resistance by the Indian Army. Based on an analysis of central government data, this newspaper reported on Friday that J&amp;amp;K was morepeaceful than many &amp;lsquo;perfectly peaceful&#039; States &amp;mdash; among them, economically vibrant Haryana. In population-adjusted terms, violent deaths in J&amp;amp;K &amp;mdash; those of terrorists and security force personnel, aswell as murders of civilians, whether terrorism-related or otherwise &amp;mdash; were at the same level as in Bihar, and not significantly higher than inDelhi. No one in New Delhi, though, wishes to be charged with overruling an assessment by the armed forces &amp;mdash; an assessment which, regrettably, is driven more by fear than hard-headed strategic sense.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;&lt;/div&gt;&lt;p style=&quot;outline-style: none; margin-top: 0px&quot; align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;Threespurious arguments are being used to justify the status quo. First, theArmy contends that the situation across the Line of Control needs a robust military presence. But Mr. Abdullah isn&#039;t proposing removing a single soldier. His proposals would only lift AFSPA from two areas wherethe Army in any case has no security responsibilities. If things went well, troops would be freed up for deployment along the LoC, leaving theState and central police forces to deal with the degraded insurgency. Secondly, it is claimed that without AFSPA, the Army will not be able tostage counter-terrorism operations in an emergency. Proponents of this argument forget that AFSPA did not have to be imposed to allow the Army to assist in the defence of Parliament House when it came under terrorist attack in 2001 &amp;mdash; and that the Army staged many successful counter-terrorism operations in Jammu province before AFSPA was imposed there in 2001. Finally, some argue that the AFSPA-free enclaves will be magnets for terrorists. This, too, makes little sense, since the Army isnot present in the enclaves anyway &amp;mdash; and it is improbable that terrorists have not established themselves there for fear of a mere law.Chief Minister Abdullah&#039;s proposals do entail risks. Yet not taking those risks involves heavy costs &amp;mdash; key among them, creating a reservoir of frustration and anger that will undermine the hard-won peace that so many Indian soldiers gave their lives for.&lt;/p&gt;&#039;,
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-The Hindu 
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&amp;nbsp;
&lt;/p&gt;
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More
than 23 years after the bombing that signalled the beginning of the 
murderous insurgency in Jammu and Kashmir, India&#039;s strategic 
establishment is demonstrating a curious unwillingness to grasp the fact
that the war to restore peace has been won. Ever since 2009, Chief 
Minister Omar Abdullah has been advocating the withdrawal of the 
controversial Armed Forces Special Powers Act from parts of the State, 
as a first step towards an incremental rollback of the Army&#039;s presence 
in civilian-inhabited areas &amp;mdash; a source of everyday friction with 
civilians. Even though Union Home Minister P. Chidambaram has backed the
idea, and a report by three government interlocutors has endorsed it, 
New Delhi has proved unwilling to act, in part because of bitter 
resistance by the Indian Army. Based on an analysis of central 
government data, this newspaper reported on Friday that J&amp;amp;K was more
peaceful than many &amp;lsquo;perfectly peaceful&#039; States &amp;mdash; among them, 
economically vibrant Haryana. In population-adjusted terms, violent 
deaths in J&amp;amp;K &amp;mdash; those of terrorists and security force personnel, as
well as murders of civilians, whether terrorism-related or otherwise &amp;mdash; 
were at the same level as in Bihar, and not significantly higher than in
Delhi. No one in New Delhi, though, wishes to be charged with 
overruling an assessment by the armed forces &amp;mdash; an assessment which, 
regrettably, is driven more by fear than hard-headed strategic sense.
&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;p style=&quot;outline-style: none; margin-top: 0px&quot; align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;
Three
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Army contends that the situation across the Line of Control needs a 
robust military presence. But Mr. Abdullah isn&#039;t proposing removing a 
single soldier. His proposals would only lift AFSPA from two areas where
the Army in any case has no security responsibilities. If things went 
well, troops would be freed up for deployment along the LoC, leaving the
State and central police forces to deal with the degraded insurgency. 
Secondly, it is claimed that without AFSPA, the Army will not be able to
stage counter-terrorism operations in an emergency. Proponents of this 
argument forget that AFSPA did not have to be imposed to allow the Army 
to assist in the defence of Parliament House when it came under 
terrorist attack in 2001 &amp;mdash; and that the Army staged many successful 
counter-terrorism operations in Jammu province before AFSPA was imposed 
there in 2001. Finally, some argue that the AFSPA-free enclaves will be 
magnets for terrorists. This, too, makes little sense, since the Army is
not present in the enclaves anyway &amp;mdash; and it is improbable that 
terrorists have not established themselves there for fear of a mere law.
Chief Minister Abdullah&#039;s proposals do entail risks. Yet not taking 
those risks involves heavy costs &amp;mdash; key among them, creating a reservoir 
of frustration and anger that will undermine the hard-won peace that so 
many Indian soldiers gave their lives for.
&lt;/p&gt;&#039;,
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-The Hindu 


&amp;nbsp;


More
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murderous insurgency in Jammu and Kashmir, India&#039;s strategic 
establishment is demonstrating a curious unwillingness to grasp the fact
that the war to restore peace has been won....&#039;
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More
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                <strong>Kashmir: why AFSPA must go</strong></h1>
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                <p style="outline-style: none; margin-top: 0px" align="justify">-The Hindu </p><p style="outline-style: none; margin-top: 0px" align="justify">&nbsp;</p><p style="outline-style: none; margin-top: 0px" align="justify">Morethan 23 years after the bombing that signalled the beginning of the murderous insurgency in Jammu and Kashmir, India's strategic establishment is demonstrating a curious unwillingness to grasp the factthat the war to restore peace has been won. Ever since 2009, Chief Minister Omar Abdullah has been advocating the withdrawal of the controversial Armed Forces Special Powers Act from parts of the State, as a first step towards an incremental rollback of the Army's presence in civilian-inhabited areas &mdash; a source of everyday friction with civilians. Even though Union Home Minister P. Chidambaram has backed theidea, and a report by three government interlocutors has endorsed it, New Delhi has proved unwilling to act, in part because of bitter resistance by the Indian Army. Based on an analysis of central government data, this newspaper reported on Friday that J&amp;K was morepeaceful than many &lsquo;perfectly peaceful' States &mdash; among them, economically vibrant Haryana. In population-adjusted terms, violent deaths in J&amp;K &mdash; those of terrorists and security force personnel, aswell as murders of civilians, whether terrorism-related or otherwise &mdash; were at the same level as in Bihar, and not significantly higher than inDelhi. No one in New Delhi, though, wishes to be charged with overruling an assessment by the armed forces &mdash; an assessment which, regrettably, is driven more by fear than hard-headed strategic sense.</p><div align="justify"></div><p style="outline-style: none; margin-top: 0px" align="justify">Threespurious arguments are being used to justify the status quo. First, theArmy contends that the situation across the Line of Control needs a robust military presence. But Mr. Abdullah isn't proposing removing a single soldier. His proposals would only lift AFSPA from two areas wherethe Army in any case has no security responsibilities. If things went well, troops would be freed up for deployment along the LoC, leaving theState and central police forces to deal with the degraded insurgency. Secondly, it is claimed that without AFSPA, the Army will not be able tostage counter-terrorism operations in an emergency. Proponents of this argument forget that AFSPA did not have to be imposed to allow the Army to assist in the defence of Parliament House when it came under terrorist attack in 2001 &mdash; and that the Army staged many successful counter-terrorism operations in Jammu province before AFSPA was imposed there in 2001. Finally, some argue that the AFSPA-free enclaves will be magnets for terrorists. This, too, makes little sense, since the Army isnot present in the enclaves anyway &mdash; and it is improbable that terrorists have not established themselves there for fear of a mere law.Chief Minister Abdullah's proposals do entail risks. Yet not taking those risks involves heavy costs &mdash; key among them, creating a reservoir of frustration and anger that will undermine the hard-won peace that so many Indian soldiers gave their lives for.</p>               </font>
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-The Hindu 
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&amp;nbsp;
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More
than 23 years after the bombing that signalled the beginning of the 
murderous insurgency in Jammu and Kashmir, India&#039;s strategic 
establishment is demonstrating a curious unwillingness to grasp the fact
that the war to restore peace has been won. Ever since 2009, Chief 
Minister Omar Abdullah has been advocating the withdrawal of the 
controversial Armed Forces Special Powers Act from parts of the State, 
as a first step towards an incremental rollback of the Army&#039;s presence 
in civilian-inhabited areas &amp;mdash; a source of everyday friction with 
civilians. Even though Union Home Minister P. Chidambaram has backed the
idea, and a report by three government interlocutors has endorsed it, 
New Delhi has proved unwilling to act, in part because of bitter 
resistance by the Indian Army. Based on an analysis of central 
government data, this newspaper reported on Friday that J&amp;amp;K was more
peaceful than many &amp;lsquo;perfectly peaceful&#039; States &amp;mdash; among them, 
economically vibrant Haryana. In population-adjusted terms, violent 
deaths in J&amp;amp;K &amp;mdash; those of terrorists and security force personnel, as
well as murders of civilians, whether terrorism-related or otherwise &amp;mdash; 
were at the same level as in Bihar, and not significantly higher than in
Delhi. No one in New Delhi, though, wishes to be charged with 
overruling an assessment by the armed forces &amp;mdash; an assessment which, 
regrettably, is driven more by fear than hard-headed strategic sense.
&lt;/p&gt;
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&lt;/div&gt;
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Three
spurious arguments are being used to justify the status quo. First, the
Army contends that the situation across the Line of Control needs a 
robust military presence. But Mr. Abdullah isn&#039;t proposing removing a 
single soldier. His proposals would only lift AFSPA from two areas where
the Army in any case has no security responsibilities. If things went 
well, troops would be freed up for deployment along the LoC, leaving the
State and central police forces to deal with the degraded insurgency. 
Secondly, it is claimed that without AFSPA, the Army will not be able to
stage counter-terrorism operations in an emergency. Proponents of this 
argument forget that AFSPA did not have to be imposed to allow the Army 
to assist in the defence of Parliament House when it came under 
terrorist attack in 2001 &amp;mdash; and that the Army staged many successful 
counter-terrorism operations in Jammu province before AFSPA was imposed 
there in 2001. Finally, some argue that the AFSPA-free enclaves will be 
magnets for terrorists. This, too, makes little sense, since the Army is
not present in the enclaves anyway &amp;mdash; and it is improbable that 
terrorists have not established themselves there for fear of a mere law.
Chief Minister Abdullah&#039;s proposals do entail risks. Yet not taking 
those risks involves heavy costs &amp;mdash; key among them, creating a reservoir 
of frustration and anger that will undermine the hard-won peace that so 
many Indian soldiers gave their lives for.
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&amp;nbsp;


More
than 23 years after the bombing that signalled the beginning of the 
murderous insurgency in Jammu and Kashmir, India&#039;s strategic 
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that the war to restore peace has been won....&#039;,
	&#039;disp&#039; =&gt; &#039;&lt;p style=&quot;outline-style: none; margin-top: 0px&quot; align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;-The Hindu &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p style=&quot;outline-style: none; margin-top: 0px&quot; align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p style=&quot;outline-style: none; margin-top: 0px&quot; align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;Morethan 23 years after the bombing that signalled the beginning of the murderous insurgency in Jammu and Kashmir, India&#039;s strategic establishment is demonstrating a curious unwillingness to grasp the factthat the war to restore peace has been won. Ever since 2009, Chief Minister Omar Abdullah has been advocating the withdrawal of the controversial Armed Forces Special Powers Act from parts of the State, as a first step towards an incremental rollback of the Army&#039;s presence in civilian-inhabited areas &amp;mdash; a source of everyday friction with civilians. Even though Union Home Minister P. Chidambaram has backed theidea, and a report by three government interlocutors has endorsed it, New Delhi has proved unwilling to act, in part because of bitter resistance by the Indian Army. Based on an analysis of central government data, this newspaper reported on Friday that J&amp;amp;K was morepeaceful than many &amp;lsquo;perfectly peaceful&#039; States &amp;mdash; among them, economically vibrant Haryana. In population-adjusted terms, violent deaths in J&amp;amp;K &amp;mdash; those of terrorists and security force personnel, aswell as murders of civilians, whether terrorism-related or otherwise &amp;mdash; were at the same level as in Bihar, and not significantly higher than inDelhi. No one in New Delhi, though, wishes to be charged with overruling an assessment by the armed forces &amp;mdash; an assessment which, regrettably, is driven more by fear than hard-headed strategic sense.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;&lt;/div&gt;&lt;p style=&quot;outline-style: none; margin-top: 0px&quot; align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;Threespurious arguments are being used to justify the status quo. First, theArmy contends that the situation across the Line of Control needs a robust military presence. But Mr. Abdullah isn&#039;t proposing removing a single soldier. His proposals would only lift AFSPA from two areas wherethe Army in any case has no security responsibilities. If things went well, troops would be freed up for deployment along the LoC, leaving theState and central police forces to deal with the degraded insurgency. Secondly, it is claimed that without AFSPA, the Army will not be able tostage counter-terrorism operations in an emergency. Proponents of this argument forget that AFSPA did not have to be imposed to allow the Army to assist in the defence of Parliament House when it came under terrorist attack in 2001 &amp;mdash; and that the Army staged many successful counter-terrorism operations in Jammu province before AFSPA was imposed there in 2001. Finally, some argue that the AFSPA-free enclaves will be magnets for terrorists. This, too, makes little sense, since the Army isnot present in the enclaves anyway &amp;mdash; and it is improbable that terrorists have not established themselves there for fear of a mere law.Chief Minister Abdullah&#039;s proposals do entail risks. Yet not taking those risks involves heavy costs &amp;mdash; key among them, creating a reservoir of frustration and anger that will undermine the hard-won peace that so many Indian soldiers gave their lives for.&lt;/p&gt;&#039;,
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murderous insurgency in Jammu and Kashmir, India&#039;s strategic 
establishment is demonstrating a curious unwillingness to grasp the fact
that the war to restore peace has been won. Ever since 2009, Chief 
Minister Omar Abdullah has been advocating the withdrawal of the 
controversial Armed Forces Special Powers Act from parts of the State, 
as a first step towards an incremental rollback of the Army&#039;s presence 
in civilian-inhabited areas &amp;mdash; a source of everyday friction with 
civilians. Even though Union Home Minister P. Chidambaram has backed the
idea, and a report by three government interlocutors has endorsed it, 
New Delhi has proved unwilling to act, in part because of bitter 
resistance by the Indian Army. Based on an analysis of central 
government data, this newspaper reported on Friday that J&amp;amp;K was more
peaceful than many &amp;lsquo;perfectly peaceful&#039; States &amp;mdash; among them, 
economically vibrant Haryana. In population-adjusted terms, violent 
deaths in J&amp;amp;K &amp;mdash; those of terrorists and security force personnel, as
well as murders of civilians, whether terrorism-related or otherwise &amp;mdash; 
were at the same level as in Bihar, and not significantly higher than in
Delhi. No one in New Delhi, though, wishes to be charged with 
overruling an assessment by the armed forces &amp;mdash; an assessment which, 
regrettably, is driven more by fear than hard-headed strategic sense.
&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;p style=&quot;outline-style: none; margin-top: 0px&quot; align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;
Three
spurious arguments are being used to justify the status quo. First, the
Army contends that the situation across the Line of Control needs a 
robust military presence. But Mr. Abdullah isn&#039;t proposing removing a 
single soldier. His proposals would only lift AFSPA from two areas where
the Army in any case has no security responsibilities. If things went 
well, troops would be freed up for deployment along the LoC, leaving the
State and central police forces to deal with the degraded insurgency. 
Secondly, it is claimed that without AFSPA, the Army will not be able to
stage counter-terrorism operations in an emergency. Proponents of this 
argument forget that AFSPA did not have to be imposed to allow the Army 
to assist in the defence of Parliament House when it came under 
terrorist attack in 2001 &amp;mdash; and that the Army staged many successful 
counter-terrorism operations in Jammu province before AFSPA was imposed 
there in 2001. Finally, some argue that the AFSPA-free enclaves will be 
magnets for terrorists. This, too, makes little sense, since the Army is
not present in the enclaves anyway &amp;mdash; and it is improbable that 
terrorists have not established themselves there for fear of a mere law.
Chief Minister Abdullah&#039;s proposals do entail risks. Yet not taking 
those risks involves heavy costs &amp;mdash; key among them, creating a reservoir 
of frustration and anger that will undermine the hard-won peace that so 
many Indian soldiers gave their lives for.
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-The Hindu 


&amp;nbsp;


More
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$disp = &#039;&lt;p style=&quot;outline-style: none; margin-top: 0px&quot; align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;-The Hindu &lt;/p&gt;&lt;p style=&quot;outline-style: none; margin-top: 0px&quot; align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p style=&quot;outline-style: none; margin-top: 0px&quot; align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;Morethan 23 years after the bombing that signalled the beginning of the murderous insurgency in Jammu and Kashmir, India&#039;s strategic establishment is demonstrating a curious unwillingness to grasp the factthat the war to restore peace has been won. Ever since 2009, Chief Minister Omar Abdullah has been advocating the withdrawal of the controversial Armed Forces Special Powers Act from parts of the State, as a first step towards an incremental rollback of the Army&#039;s presence in civilian-inhabited areas &amp;mdash; a source of everyday friction with civilians. Even though Union Home Minister P. Chidambaram has backed theidea, and a report by three government interlocutors has endorsed it, New Delhi has proved unwilling to act, in part because of bitter resistance by the Indian Army. Based on an analysis of central government data, this newspaper reported on Friday that J&amp;amp;K was morepeaceful than many &amp;lsquo;perfectly peaceful&#039; States &amp;mdash; among them, economically vibrant Haryana. In population-adjusted terms, violent deaths in J&amp;amp;K &amp;mdash; those of terrorists and security force personnel, aswell as murders of civilians, whether terrorism-related or otherwise &amp;mdash; were at the same level as in Bihar, and not significantly higher than inDelhi. No one in New Delhi, though, wishes to be charged with overruling an assessment by the armed forces &amp;mdash; an assessment which, regrettably, is driven more by fear than hard-headed strategic sense.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;&lt;/div&gt;&lt;p style=&quot;outline-style: none; margin-top: 0px&quot; align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;Threespurious arguments are being used to justify the status quo. First, theArmy contends that the situation across the Line of Control needs a robust military presence. But Mr. Abdullah isn&#039;t proposing removing a single soldier. His proposals would only lift AFSPA from two areas wherethe Army in any case has no security responsibilities. If things went well, troops would be freed up for deployment along the LoC, leaving theState and central police forces to deal with the degraded insurgency. Secondly, it is claimed that without AFSPA, the Army will not be able tostage counter-terrorism operations in an emergency. Proponents of this argument forget that AFSPA did not have to be imposed to allow the Army to assist in the defence of Parliament House when it came under terrorist attack in 2001 &amp;mdash; and that the Army staged many successful counter-terrorism operations in Jammu province before AFSPA was imposed there in 2001. Finally, some argue that the AFSPA-free enclaves will be magnets for terrorists. This, too, makes little sense, since the Army isnot present in the enclaves anyway &amp;mdash; and it is improbable that terrorists have not established themselves there for fear of a mere law.Chief Minister Abdullah&#039;s proposals do entail risks. Yet not taking those risks involves heavy costs &amp;mdash; key among them, creating a reservoir of frustration and anger that will undermine the hard-won peace that so many Indian soldiers gave their lives for.&lt;/p&gt;&#039;
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&nbsp;


More
than 23 years after the bombing that signalled the beginning of the 
murderous insurgency in Jammu and Kashmir, India's strategic 
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                <strong>Kashmir: why AFSPA must go</strong></h1>
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                <p style="outline-style: none; margin-top: 0px" align="justify">-The Hindu </p><p style="outline-style: none; margin-top: 0px" align="justify">&nbsp;</p><p style="outline-style: none; margin-top: 0px" align="justify">Morethan 23 years after the bombing that signalled the beginning of the murderous insurgency in Jammu and Kashmir, India's strategic establishment is demonstrating a curious unwillingness to grasp the factthat the war to restore peace has been won. Ever since 2009, Chief Minister Omar Abdullah has been advocating the withdrawal of the controversial Armed Forces Special Powers Act from parts of the State, as a first step towards an incremental rollback of the Army's presence in civilian-inhabited areas &mdash; a source of everyday friction with civilians. Even though Union Home Minister P. Chidambaram has backed theidea, and a report by three government interlocutors has endorsed it, New Delhi has proved unwilling to act, in part because of bitter resistance by the Indian Army. Based on an analysis of central government data, this newspaper reported on Friday that J&amp;K was morepeaceful than many &lsquo;perfectly peaceful' States &mdash; among them, economically vibrant Haryana. In population-adjusted terms, violent deaths in J&amp;K &mdash; those of terrorists and security force personnel, aswell as murders of civilians, whether terrorism-related or otherwise &mdash; were at the same level as in Bihar, and not significantly higher than inDelhi. No one in New Delhi, though, wishes to be charged with overruling an assessment by the armed forces &mdash; an assessment which, regrettably, is driven more by fear than hard-headed strategic sense.</p><div align="justify"></div><p style="outline-style: none; margin-top: 0px" align="justify">Threespurious arguments are being used to justify the status quo. First, theArmy contends that the situation across the Line of Control needs a robust military presence. But Mr. Abdullah isn't proposing removing a single soldier. His proposals would only lift AFSPA from two areas wherethe Army in any case has no security responsibilities. If things went well, troops would be freed up for deployment along the LoC, leaving theState and central police forces to deal with the degraded insurgency. Secondly, it is claimed that without AFSPA, the Army will not be able tostage counter-terrorism operations in an emergency. Proponents of this argument forget that AFSPA did not have to be imposed to allow the Army to assist in the defence of Parliament House when it came under terrorist attack in 2001 &mdash; and that the Army staged many successful counter-terrorism operations in Jammu province before AFSPA was imposed there in 2001. Finally, some argue that the AFSPA-free enclaves will be magnets for terrorists. This, too, makes little sense, since the Army isnot present in the enclaves anyway &mdash; and it is improbable that terrorists have not established themselves there for fear of a mere law.Chief Minister Abdullah's proposals do entail risks. Yet not taking those risks involves heavy costs &mdash; key among them, creating a reservoir of frustration and anger that will undermine the hard-won peace that so many Indian soldiers gave their lives for.</p>               </font>
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-The Hindu 
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<p style="outline-style: none; margin-top: 0px" align="justify">
&nbsp;
</p>
<p style="outline-style: none; margin-top: 0px" align="justify">
More
than 23 years after the bombing that signalled the beginning of the 
murderous insurgency in Jammu and Kashmir, India's strategic 
establishment is demonstrating a curious unwillingness to grasp the fact
that the war to restore peace has been won. Ever since 2009, Chief 
Minister Omar Abdullah has been advocating the withdrawal of the 
controversial Armed Forces Special Powers Act from parts of the State, 
as a first step towards an incremental rollback of the Army's presence 
in civilian-inhabited areas &mdash; a source of everyday friction with 
civilians. Even though Union Home Minister P. Chidambaram has backed the
idea, and a report by three government interlocutors has endorsed it, 
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overruling an assessment by the armed forces &mdash; an assessment which, 
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<div align="justify">
</div>
<p style="outline-style: none; margin-top: 0px" align="justify">
Three
spurious arguments are being used to justify the status quo. First, the
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single soldier. His proposals would only lift AFSPA from two areas where
the Army in any case has no security responsibilities. If things went 
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State and central police forces to deal with the degraded insurgency. 
Secondly, it is claimed that without AFSPA, the Army will not be able to
stage counter-terrorism operations in an emergency. Proponents of this 
argument forget that AFSPA did not have to be imposed to allow the Army 
to assist in the defence of Parliament House when it came under 
terrorist attack in 2001 &mdash; and that the Army staged many successful 
counter-terrorism operations in Jammu province before AFSPA was imposed 
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magnets for terrorists. This, too, makes little sense, since the Army is
not present in the enclaves anyway &mdash; and it is improbable that 
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-The Hindu 


&nbsp;


More
than 23 years after the bombing that signalled the beginning of the 
murderous insurgency in Jammu and Kashmir, India's strategic 
establishment is demonstrating a curious unwillingness to grasp the fact
that the war to restore peace has been won....',
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-The Hindu 
</p>
<p style="outline-style: none; margin-top: 0px" align="justify">
&nbsp;
</p>
<p style="outline-style: none; margin-top: 0px" align="justify">
More
than 23 years after the bombing that signalled the beginning of the 
murderous insurgency in Jammu and Kashmir, India's strategic 
establishment is demonstrating a curious unwillingness to grasp the fact
that the war to restore peace has been won. Ever since 2009, Chief 
Minister Omar Abdullah has been advocating the withdrawal of the 
controversial Armed Forces Special Powers Act from parts of the State, 
as a first step towards an incremental rollback of the Army's presence 
in civilian-inhabited areas &mdash; a source of everyday friction with 
civilians. Even though Union Home Minister P. Chidambaram has backed the
idea, and a report by three government interlocutors has endorsed it, 
New Delhi has proved unwilling to act, in part because of bitter 
resistance by the Indian Army. Based on an analysis of central 
government data, this newspaper reported on Friday that J&amp;K was more
peaceful than many &lsquo;perfectly peaceful' States &mdash; among them, 
economically vibrant Haryana. In population-adjusted terms, violent 
deaths in J&amp;K &mdash; those of terrorists and security force personnel, as
well as murders of civilians, whether terrorism-related or otherwise &mdash; 
were at the same level as in Bihar, and not significantly higher than in
Delhi. No one in New Delhi, though, wishes to be charged with 
overruling an assessment by the armed forces &mdash; an assessment which, 
regrettably, is driven more by fear than hard-headed strategic sense.
</p>
<div align="justify">
</div>
<p style="outline-style: none; margin-top: 0px" align="justify">
Three
spurious arguments are being used to justify the status quo. First, the
Army contends that the situation across the Line of Control needs a 
robust military presence. But Mr. Abdullah isn't proposing removing a 
single soldier. His proposals would only lift AFSPA from two areas where
the Army in any case has no security responsibilities. If things went 
well, troops would be freed up for deployment along the LoC, leaving the
State and central police forces to deal with the degraded insurgency. 
Secondly, it is claimed that without AFSPA, the Army will not be able to
stage counter-terrorism operations in an emergency. Proponents of this 
argument forget that AFSPA did not have to be imposed to allow the Army 
to assist in the defence of Parliament House when it came under 
terrorist attack in 2001 &mdash; and that the Army staged many successful 
counter-terrorism operations in Jammu province before AFSPA was imposed 
there in 2001. Finally, some argue that the AFSPA-free enclaves will be 
magnets for terrorists. This, too, makes little sense, since the Army is
not present in the enclaves anyway &mdash; and it is improbable that 
terrorists have not established themselves there for fear of a mere law.
Chief Minister Abdullah's proposals do entail risks. Yet not taking 
those risks involves heavy costs &mdash; key among them, creating a reservoir 
of frustration and anger that will undermine the hard-won peace that so 
many Indian soldiers gave their lives for.
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$metaTitle = 'LATEST NEWS UPDATES | Kashmir: why AFSPA must go'
$metaKeywords = 'Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA)'
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-The Hindu 


&nbsp;


More
than 23 years after the bombing that signalled the beginning of the 
murderous insurgency in Jammu and Kashmir, India's strategic 
establishment is demonstrating a curious unwillingness to grasp the fact
that the war to restore peace has been won....'
$disp = '<p style="outline-style: none; margin-top: 0px" align="justify">-The Hindu </p><p style="outline-style: none; margin-top: 0px" align="justify">&nbsp;</p><p style="outline-style: none; margin-top: 0px" align="justify">Morethan 23 years after the bombing that signalled the beginning of the murderous insurgency in Jammu and Kashmir, India's strategic establishment is demonstrating a curious unwillingness to grasp the factthat the war to restore peace has been won. Ever since 2009, Chief Minister Omar Abdullah has been advocating the withdrawal of the controversial Armed Forces Special Powers Act from parts of the State, as a first step towards an incremental rollback of the Army's presence in civilian-inhabited areas &mdash; a source of everyday friction with civilians. Even though Union Home Minister P. Chidambaram has backed theidea, and a report by three government interlocutors has endorsed it, New Delhi has proved unwilling to act, in part because of bitter resistance by the Indian Army. Based on an analysis of central government data, this newspaper reported on Friday that J&amp;K was morepeaceful than many &lsquo;perfectly peaceful' States &mdash; among them, economically vibrant Haryana. In population-adjusted terms, violent deaths in J&amp;K &mdash; those of terrorists and security force personnel, aswell as murders of civilians, whether terrorism-related or otherwise &mdash; were at the same level as in Bihar, and not significantly higher than inDelhi. No one in New Delhi, though, wishes to be charged with overruling an assessment by the armed forces &mdash; an assessment which, regrettably, is driven more by fear than hard-headed strategic sense.</p><div align="justify"></div><p style="outline-style: none; margin-top: 0px" align="justify">Threespurious arguments are being used to justify the status quo. First, theArmy contends that the situation across the Line of Control needs a robust military presence. But Mr. Abdullah isn't proposing removing a single soldier. His proposals would only lift AFSPA from two areas wherethe Army in any case has no security responsibilities. If things went well, troops would be freed up for deployment along the LoC, leaving theState and central police forces to deal with the degraded insurgency. Secondly, it is claimed that without AFSPA, the Army will not be able tostage counter-terrorism operations in an emergency. Proponents of this argument forget that AFSPA did not have to be imposed to allow the Army to assist in the defence of Parliament House when it came under terrorist attack in 2001 &mdash; and that the Army staged many successful counter-terrorism operations in Jammu province before AFSPA was imposed there in 2001. Finally, some argue that the AFSPA-free enclaves will be magnets for terrorists. This, too, makes little sense, since the Army isnot present in the enclaves anyway &mdash; and it is improbable that terrorists have not established themselves there for fear of a mere law.Chief Minister Abdullah's proposals do entail risks. Yet not taking those risks involves heavy costs &mdash; key among them, creating a reservoir of frustration and anger that will undermine the hard-won peace that so many Indian soldiers gave their lives for.</p>'
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Kashmir: why AFSPA must go

-The Hindu   Morethan 23 years after the bombing that signalled the beginning of the murderous insurgency in Jammu and Kashmir, India's strategic establishment is demonstrating a curious unwillingness to grasp the factthat the war to restore peace has been won. Ever since 2009, Chief Minister Omar Abdullah has been advocating the withdrawal of the controversial Armed Forces Special Powers Act from parts of the State, as a first step towards an incremental rollback of the Army's presence in civilian-inhabited areas — a source of everyday friction with civilians. Even though Union Home Minister P. Chidambaram has backed theidea, and a report by three government interlocutors has endorsed it, New Delhi has proved unwilling to act, in part because of bitter resistance by the Indian Army. Based on an analysis of central government data, this newspaper reported on Friday that J&K was morepeaceful than many ‘perfectly peaceful' States — among them, economically vibrant Haryana. In population-adjusted terms, violent deaths in J&K — those of terrorists and security force personnel, aswell as murders of civilians, whether terrorism-related or otherwise — were at the same level as in Bihar, and not significantly higher than inDelhi. No one in New Delhi, though, wishes to be charged with overruling an assessment by the armed forces — an assessment which, regrettably, is driven more by fear than hard-headed strategic sense. Threespurious arguments are being used to justify the status quo. First, theArmy contends that the situation across the Line of Control needs a robust military presence. But Mr. Abdullah isn't proposing removing a single soldier. His proposals would only lift AFSPA from two areas wherethe Army in any case has no security responsibilities. If things went well, troops would be freed up for deployment along the LoC, leaving theState and central police forces to deal with the degraded insurgency. Secondly, it is claimed that without AFSPA, the Army will not be able tostage counter-terrorism operations in an emergency. Proponents of this argument forget that AFSPA did not have to be imposed to allow the Army to assist in the defence of Parliament House when it came under terrorist attack in 2001 — and that the Army staged many successful counter-terrorism operations in Jammu province before AFSPA was imposed there in 2001. Finally, some argue that the AFSPA-free enclaves will be magnets for terrorists. This, too, makes little sense, since the Army isnot present in the enclaves anyway — and it is improbable that terrorists have not established themselves there for fear of a mere law.Chief Minister Abdullah's proposals do entail risks. Yet not taking those risks involves heavy costs — key among them, creating a reservoir of frustration and anger that will undermine the hard-won peace that so many Indian soldiers gave their lives for.