Deprecated (16384): The ArrayAccess methods will be removed in 4.0.0.Use getParam(), getData() and getQuery() instead. - /home/brlfuser/public_html/src/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line: 73
 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php. [CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311]
Code Context


        trigger_error($message, E_USER_DEPRECATED);

    }
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 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php.'
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deprecationWarning - CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311
Cake\Http\ServerRequest::offsetGet() - CORE/src/Http/ServerRequest.php, line 2421
App\Controller\ArtileDetailController::printArticle() - APP/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line 73
Cake\Controller\Controller::invokeAction() - CORE/src/Controller/Controller.php, line 610
Cake\Http\ActionDispatcher::_invoke() - CORE/src/Http/ActionDispatcher.php, line 120
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Cake\Http\BaseApplication::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/BaseApplication.php, line 235
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Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Routing\Middleware\AssetMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Routing/Middleware/AssetMiddleware.php, line 88
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Error\Middleware\ErrorHandlerMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Error/Middleware/ErrorHandlerMiddleware.php, line 96
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Http\Runner::run() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 51
Cake\Http\Server::run() - CORE/src/Http/Server.php, line 98

Deprecated (16384): The ArrayAccess methods will be removed in 4.0.0.Use getParam(), getData() and getQuery() instead. - /home/brlfuser/public_html/src/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line: 74
 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php. [CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311]
Code Context


        trigger_error($message, E_USER_DEPRECATED);

    }
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 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php.'
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deprecationWarning - CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311
Cake\Http\ServerRequest::offsetGet() - CORE/src/Http/ServerRequest.php, line 2421
App\Controller\ArtileDetailController::printArticle() - APP/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line 74
Cake\Controller\Controller::invokeAction() - CORE/src/Controller/Controller.php, line 610
Cake\Http\ActionDispatcher::_invoke() - CORE/src/Http/ActionDispatcher.php, line 120
Cake\Http\ActionDispatcher::dispatch() - CORE/src/Http/ActionDispatcher.php, line 94
Cake\Http\BaseApplication::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/BaseApplication.php, line 235
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Routing\Middleware\RoutingMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Routing/Middleware/RoutingMiddleware.php, line 162
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Routing\Middleware\AssetMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Routing/Middleware/AssetMiddleware.php, line 88
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Error\Middleware\ErrorHandlerMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Error/Middleware/ErrorHandlerMiddleware.php, line 96
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Http\Runner::run() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 51
Cake\Http\Server::run() - CORE/src/Http/Server.php, line 98

Warning (512): Unable to emit headers. Headers sent in file=/home/brlfuser/public_html/vendor/cakephp/cakephp/src/Error/Debugger.php line=853 [CORE/src/Http/ResponseEmitter.php, line 48]
Code Context
            if (Configure::read('debug')) {

                trigger_error($message, E_USER_WARNING);

            } else {
$response = object(Cake\Http\Response) {

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&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;&lt;em&gt;The Supreme Court&amp;rsquo;s suggestion to &amp;lsquo;match the following&amp;rsquo; on political donations is impractical and incorrect&lt;/em&gt;&lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;In 2014, the Delhi High Court held that both the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) were guilty of illegally accepting donations from two companies registered in India but whose controlling shareholder was Vedanta, a foreign company. The court held that this was in contravention of the Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act (FCRA), 1976, as the donations accrued from &amp;ldquo;foreign sources&amp;rdquo; within the meaning of law.&lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;Following this indictment, the two parties came together in the last memorable bipartisan move. In 2016 and 2018, the government amended the FCRA through the annual Finance Bills, to retrospectively legalise the violations. The amendments and subsequent changes brought in by the current government enabled new and regressive pathways that afford full anonymity to corporate and foreign political donors.&lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;&lt;em&gt;A new form of anonymity&lt;/em&gt;&lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;While recently hearing a Public Interest Litigation (PIL) by the Association of Democratic Reforms (ADR), the Supreme Court downplayed the concerns of the corrupting influence of anonymous corporate and foreign money. It offered us voters the suggestion of &amp;ldquo;match the following&amp;rdquo;.&lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;Earlier, only profit-making domestic companies could contribute to political parties; now loss-making companies can too. Earlier, foreign companies or companies where the controlling stake was held by a foreign company couldn&amp;rsquo;t contribute; now they can. India&amp;rsquo;s political parties could theoretically be fully funded by a foreign company operating in India or by a foreign entity through a shell company.&lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;In 2017, the then Finance Minister said anonymous cash donations to political parties would be reduced from ₹20,000 to ₹2,000 to ensure greater transparency in political funding. However, the concurrent introduction of electoral bonds brought a new form of anonymity to thousands of crores of donations. It drastically reduced public and legislative oversight. Only the ruling party via the State Bank of India (SBI) has a full account of all donations being made via electoral bonds, to itself and to Opposition parties. Parliament, the Election Commission and the Opposition parties do not have this information, nor do the public.&lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/needed-full-disclosure-on-electoral-bonds/article34824570.ece?homepage=true&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more.&lt;/p&gt;
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The Supreme Court&amp;rsquo;s suggestion to &amp;lsquo;match the following&amp;rsquo; on political donations is impractical and incorrect

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&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;&lt;em&gt;A new form of anonymity&lt;/em&gt;&lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;While recently hearing a Public Interest Litigation (PIL) by the Association of Democratic Reforms (ADR), the Supreme Court downplayed the concerns of the corrupting influence of anonymous corporate and foreign money. It offered us voters the suggestion of &amp;ldquo;match the following&amp;rdquo;.&lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;Earlier, only profit-making domestic companies could contribute to political parties; now loss-making companies can too. Earlier, foreign companies or companies where the controlling stake was held by a foreign company couldn&amp;rsquo;t contribute; now they can. India&amp;rsquo;s political parties could theoretically be fully funded by a foreign company operating in India or by a foreign entity through a shell company.&lt;/p&gt;

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The Supreme Court&amp;rsquo;s suggestion to &amp;lsquo;match the following&amp;rsquo; on political donations is impractical and incorrect

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The Supreme Court&rsquo;s suggestion to &lsquo;match the following&rsquo; on political donations is impractical and incorrect

In 2014, the Delhi High Court held that both the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) were guilty of illegally accepting donations from two..."/>
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                <strong>Needed: full disclosure on electoral bonds -Rakesh Dubbudu and Inayat Sabhikhi</strong></h1>
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                <p style="text-align:justify">-The Hindu</p><p style="text-align:justify"><em>The Supreme Court&rsquo;s suggestion to &lsquo;match the following&rsquo; on political donations is impractical and incorrect</em></p><p style="text-align:justify">In 2014, the Delhi High Court held that both the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) were guilty of illegally accepting donations from two companies registered in India but whose controlling shareholder was Vedanta, a foreign company. The court held that this was in contravention of the Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act (FCRA), 1976, as the donations accrued from &ldquo;foreign sources&rdquo; within the meaning of law.</p><p style="text-align:justify">Following this indictment, the two parties came together in the last memorable bipartisan move. In 2016 and 2018, the government amended the FCRA through the annual Finance Bills, to retrospectively legalise the violations. The amendments and subsequent changes brought in by the current government enabled new and regressive pathways that afford full anonymity to corporate and foreign political donors.</p><p style="text-align:justify"><em>A new form of anonymity</em></p><p style="text-align:justify">While recently hearing a Public Interest Litigation (PIL) by the Association of Democratic Reforms (ADR), the Supreme Court downplayed the concerns of the corrupting influence of anonymous corporate and foreign money. It offered us voters the suggestion of &ldquo;match the following&rdquo;.</p><p style="text-align:justify">Earlier, only profit-making domestic companies could contribute to political parties; now loss-making companies can too. Earlier, foreign companies or companies where the controlling stake was held by a foreign company couldn&rsquo;t contribute; now they can. India&rsquo;s political parties could theoretically be fully funded by a foreign company operating in India or by a foreign entity through a shell company.</p><p style="text-align:justify">In 2017, the then Finance Minister said anonymous cash donations to political parties would be reduced from 20,000 to 2,000 to ensure greater transparency in political funding. However, the concurrent introduction of electoral bonds brought a new form of anonymity to thousands of crores of donations. It drastically reduced public and legislative oversight. Only the ruling party via the State Bank of India (SBI) has a full account of all donations being made via electoral bonds, to itself and to Opposition parties. Parliament, the Election Commission and the Opposition parties do not have this information, nor do the public.</p><p style="text-align:justify">Please <a href="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/needed-full-disclosure-on-electoral-bonds/article34824570.ece?homepage=true" title="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/needed-full-disclosure-on-electoral-bonds/article34824570.ece?homepage=true">click here</a> to read more.</p>               </font>
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&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;&lt;em&gt;The Supreme Court&amp;rsquo;s suggestion to &amp;lsquo;match the following&amp;rsquo; on political donations is impractical and incorrect&lt;/em&gt;&lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;In 2014, the Delhi High Court held that both the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) were guilty of illegally accepting donations from two companies registered in India but whose controlling shareholder was Vedanta, a foreign company. The court held that this was in contravention of the Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act (FCRA), 1976, as the donations accrued from &amp;ldquo;foreign sources&amp;rdquo; within the meaning of law.&lt;/p&gt;

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&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;&lt;em&gt;A new form of anonymity&lt;/em&gt;&lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;While recently hearing a Public Interest Litigation (PIL) by the Association of Democratic Reforms (ADR), the Supreme Court downplayed the concerns of the corrupting influence of anonymous corporate and foreign money. It offered us voters the suggestion of &amp;ldquo;match the following&amp;rdquo;.&lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;Earlier, only profit-making domestic companies could contribute to political parties; now loss-making companies can too. Earlier, foreign companies or companies where the controlling stake was held by a foreign company couldn&amp;rsquo;t contribute; now they can. India&amp;rsquo;s political parties could theoretically be fully funded by a foreign company operating in India or by a foreign entity through a shell company.&lt;/p&gt;

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&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;While recently hearing a Public Interest Litigation (PIL) by the Association of Democratic Reforms (ADR), the Supreme Court downplayed the concerns of the corrupting influence of anonymous corporate and foreign money. It offered us voters the suggestion of &amp;ldquo;match the following&amp;rdquo;.&lt;/p&gt;

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The Supreme Court&amp;rsquo;s suggestion to &amp;lsquo;match the following&amp;rsquo; on political donations is impractical and incorrect

In 2014, the Delhi High Court held that both the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) were guilty of illegally accepting donations from two...&#039;
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The Supreme Court&rsquo;s suggestion to &lsquo;match the following&rsquo; on political donations is impractical and incorrect

In 2014, the Delhi High Court held that both the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) were guilty of illegally accepting donations from two..."/>
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                <strong>Needed: full disclosure on electoral bonds -Rakesh Dubbudu and Inayat Sabhikhi</strong></h1>
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                <p style="text-align:justify">-The Hindu</p><p style="text-align:justify"><em>The Supreme Court&rsquo;s suggestion to &lsquo;match the following&rsquo; on political donations is impractical and incorrect</em></p><p style="text-align:justify">In 2014, the Delhi High Court held that both the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) were guilty of illegally accepting donations from two companies registered in India but whose controlling shareholder was Vedanta, a foreign company. The court held that this was in contravention of the Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act (FCRA), 1976, as the donations accrued from &ldquo;foreign sources&rdquo; within the meaning of law.</p><p style="text-align:justify">Following this indictment, the two parties came together in the last memorable bipartisan move. In 2016 and 2018, the government amended the FCRA through the annual Finance Bills, to retrospectively legalise the violations. The amendments and subsequent changes brought in by the current government enabled new and regressive pathways that afford full anonymity to corporate and foreign political donors.</p><p style="text-align:justify"><em>A new form of anonymity</em></p><p style="text-align:justify">While recently hearing a Public Interest Litigation (PIL) by the Association of Democratic Reforms (ADR), the Supreme Court downplayed the concerns of the corrupting influence of anonymous corporate and foreign money. It offered us voters the suggestion of &ldquo;match the following&rdquo;.</p><p style="text-align:justify">Earlier, only profit-making domestic companies could contribute to political parties; now loss-making companies can too. Earlier, foreign companies or companies where the controlling stake was held by a foreign company couldn&rsquo;t contribute; now they can. India&rsquo;s political parties could theoretically be fully funded by a foreign company operating in India or by a foreign entity through a shell company.</p><p style="text-align:justify">In 2017, the then Finance Minister said anonymous cash donations to political parties would be reduced from 20,000 to 2,000 to ensure greater transparency in political funding. However, the concurrent introduction of electoral bonds brought a new form of anonymity to thousands of crores of donations. It drastically reduced public and legislative oversight. Only the ruling party via the State Bank of India (SBI) has a full account of all donations being made via electoral bonds, to itself and to Opposition parties. Parliament, the Election Commission and the Opposition parties do not have this information, nor do the public.</p><p style="text-align:justify">Please <a href="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/needed-full-disclosure-on-electoral-bonds/article34824570.ece?homepage=true" title="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/needed-full-disclosure-on-electoral-bonds/article34824570.ece?homepage=true">click here</a> to read more.</p>               </font>
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&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;&lt;em&gt;The Supreme Court&amp;rsquo;s suggestion to &amp;lsquo;match the following&amp;rsquo; on political donations is impractical and incorrect&lt;/em&gt;&lt;/p&gt;

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&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;Following this indictment, the two parties came together in the last memorable bipartisan move. In 2016 and 2018, the government amended the FCRA through the annual Finance Bills, to retrospectively legalise the violations. The amendments and subsequent changes brought in by the current government enabled new and regressive pathways that afford full anonymity to corporate and foreign political donors.&lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;&lt;em&gt;A new form of anonymity&lt;/em&gt;&lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;While recently hearing a Public Interest Litigation (PIL) by the Association of Democratic Reforms (ADR), the Supreme Court downplayed the concerns of the corrupting influence of anonymous corporate and foreign money. It offered us voters the suggestion of &amp;ldquo;match the following&amp;rdquo;.&lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;Earlier, only profit-making domestic companies could contribute to political parties; now loss-making companies can too. Earlier, foreign companies or companies where the controlling stake was held by a foreign company couldn&amp;rsquo;t contribute; now they can. India&amp;rsquo;s political parties could theoretically be fully funded by a foreign company operating in India or by a foreign entity through a shell company.&lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;In 2017, the then Finance Minister said anonymous cash donations to political parties would be reduced from ₹20,000 to ₹2,000 to ensure greater transparency in political funding. However, the concurrent introduction of electoral bonds brought a new form of anonymity to thousands of crores of donations. It drastically reduced public and legislative oversight. Only the ruling party via the State Bank of India (SBI) has a full account of all donations being made via electoral bonds, to itself and to Opposition parties. Parliament, the Election Commission and the Opposition parties do not have this information, nor do the public.&lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/needed-full-disclosure-on-electoral-bonds/article34824570.ece?homepage=true&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more.&lt;/p&gt;
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The Supreme Court&amp;rsquo;s suggestion to &amp;lsquo;match the following&amp;rsquo; on political donations is impractical and incorrect

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&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;&lt;em&gt;The Supreme Court&amp;rsquo;s suggestion to &amp;lsquo;match the following&amp;rsquo; on political donations is impractical and incorrect&lt;/em&gt;&lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;In 2014, the Delhi High Court held that both the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) were guilty of illegally accepting donations from two companies registered in India but whose controlling shareholder was Vedanta, a foreign company. The court held that this was in contravention of the Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act (FCRA), 1976, as the donations accrued from &amp;ldquo;foreign sources&amp;rdquo; within the meaning of law.&lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;Following this indictment, the two parties came together in the last memorable bipartisan move. In 2016 and 2018, the government amended the FCRA through the annual Finance Bills, to retrospectively legalise the violations. The amendments and subsequent changes brought in by the current government enabled new and regressive pathways that afford full anonymity to corporate and foreign political donors.&lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;&lt;em&gt;A new form of anonymity&lt;/em&gt;&lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;While recently hearing a Public Interest Litigation (PIL) by the Association of Democratic Reforms (ADR), the Supreme Court downplayed the concerns of the corrupting influence of anonymous corporate and foreign money. It offered us voters the suggestion of &amp;ldquo;match the following&amp;rdquo;.&lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;Earlier, only profit-making domestic companies could contribute to political parties; now loss-making companies can too. Earlier, foreign companies or companies where the controlling stake was held by a foreign company couldn&amp;rsquo;t contribute; now they can. India&amp;rsquo;s political parties could theoretically be fully funded by a foreign company operating in India or by a foreign entity through a shell company.&lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;In 2017, the then Finance Minister said anonymous cash donations to political parties would be reduced from ₹20,000 to ₹2,000 to ensure greater transparency in political funding. However, the concurrent introduction of electoral bonds brought a new form of anonymity to thousands of crores of donations. It drastically reduced public and legislative oversight. Only the ruling party via the State Bank of India (SBI) has a full account of all donations being made via electoral bonds, to itself and to Opposition parties. Parliament, the Election Commission and the Opposition parties do not have this information, nor do the public.&lt;/p&gt;

&lt;p style=&quot;text-align:justify&quot;&gt;Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/needed-full-disclosure-on-electoral-bonds/article34824570.ece?homepage=true&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more.&lt;/p&gt;
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The Supreme Court&amp;rsquo;s suggestion to &amp;lsquo;match the following&amp;rsquo; on political donations is impractical and incorrect

In 2014, the Delhi High Court held that both the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) were guilty of illegally accepting donations from two...&#039;
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The Supreme Court&rsquo;s suggestion to &lsquo;match the following&rsquo; on political donations is impractical and incorrect

In 2014, the Delhi High Court held that both the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) were guilty of illegally accepting donations from two..."/>
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                <strong>Needed: full disclosure on electoral bonds -Rakesh Dubbudu and Inayat Sabhikhi</strong></h1>
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                <p style="text-align:justify">-The Hindu</p><p style="text-align:justify"><em>The Supreme Court&rsquo;s suggestion to &lsquo;match the following&rsquo; on political donations is impractical and incorrect</em></p><p style="text-align:justify">In 2014, the Delhi High Court held that both the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) were guilty of illegally accepting donations from two companies registered in India but whose controlling shareholder was Vedanta, a foreign company. The court held that this was in contravention of the Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act (FCRA), 1976, as the donations accrued from &ldquo;foreign sources&rdquo; within the meaning of law.</p><p style="text-align:justify">Following this indictment, the two parties came together in the last memorable bipartisan move. In 2016 and 2018, the government amended the FCRA through the annual Finance Bills, to retrospectively legalise the violations. The amendments and subsequent changes brought in by the current government enabled new and regressive pathways that afford full anonymity to corporate and foreign political donors.</p><p style="text-align:justify"><em>A new form of anonymity</em></p><p style="text-align:justify">While recently hearing a Public Interest Litigation (PIL) by the Association of Democratic Reforms (ADR), the Supreme Court downplayed the concerns of the corrupting influence of anonymous corporate and foreign money. It offered us voters the suggestion of &ldquo;match the following&rdquo;.</p><p style="text-align:justify">Earlier, only profit-making domestic companies could contribute to political parties; now loss-making companies can too. Earlier, foreign companies or companies where the controlling stake was held by a foreign company couldn&rsquo;t contribute; now they can. India&rsquo;s political parties could theoretically be fully funded by a foreign company operating in India or by a foreign entity through a shell company.</p><p style="text-align:justify">In 2017, the then Finance Minister said anonymous cash donations to political parties would be reduced from 20,000 to 2,000 to ensure greater transparency in political funding. However, the concurrent introduction of electoral bonds brought a new form of anonymity to thousands of crores of donations. It drastically reduced public and legislative oversight. Only the ruling party via the State Bank of India (SBI) has a full account of all donations being made via electoral bonds, to itself and to Opposition parties. Parliament, the Election Commission and the Opposition parties do not have this information, nor do the public.</p><p style="text-align:justify">Please <a href="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/needed-full-disclosure-on-electoral-bonds/article34824570.ece?homepage=true" title="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/needed-full-disclosure-on-electoral-bonds/article34824570.ece?homepage=true">click here</a> to read more.</p>               </font>
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<p style="text-align:justify"><em>The Supreme Court&rsquo;s suggestion to &lsquo;match the following&rsquo; on political donations is impractical and incorrect</em></p>

<p style="text-align:justify">In 2014, the Delhi High Court held that both the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) were guilty of illegally accepting donations from two companies registered in India but whose controlling shareholder was Vedanta, a foreign company. The court held that this was in contravention of the Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act (FCRA), 1976, as the donations accrued from &ldquo;foreign sources&rdquo; within the meaning of law.</p>

<p style="text-align:justify">Following this indictment, the two parties came together in the last memorable bipartisan move. In 2016 and 2018, the government amended the FCRA through the annual Finance Bills, to retrospectively legalise the violations. The amendments and subsequent changes brought in by the current government enabled new and regressive pathways that afford full anonymity to corporate and foreign political donors.</p>

<p style="text-align:justify"><em>A new form of anonymity</em></p>

<p style="text-align:justify">While recently hearing a Public Interest Litigation (PIL) by the Association of Democratic Reforms (ADR), the Supreme Court downplayed the concerns of the corrupting influence of anonymous corporate and foreign money. It offered us voters the suggestion of &ldquo;match the following&rdquo;.</p>

<p style="text-align:justify">Earlier, only profit-making domestic companies could contribute to political parties; now loss-making companies can too. Earlier, foreign companies or companies where the controlling stake was held by a foreign company couldn&rsquo;t contribute; now they can. India&rsquo;s political parties could theoretically be fully funded by a foreign company operating in India or by a foreign entity through a shell company.</p>

<p style="text-align:justify">In 2017, the then Finance Minister said anonymous cash donations to political parties would be reduced from ₹20,000 to ₹2,000 to ensure greater transparency in political funding. However, the concurrent introduction of electoral bonds brought a new form of anonymity to thousands of crores of donations. It drastically reduced public and legislative oversight. Only the ruling party via the State Bank of India (SBI) has a full account of all donations being made via electoral bonds, to itself and to Opposition parties. Parliament, the Election Commission and the Opposition parties do not have this information, nor do the public.</p>

<p style="text-align:justify">Please <a href="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/needed-full-disclosure-on-electoral-bonds/article34824570.ece?homepage=true">click here</a> to read more.</p>
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The Supreme Court&rsquo;s suggestion to &lsquo;match the following&rsquo; on political donations is impractical and incorrect

In 2014, the Delhi High Court held that both the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) were guilty of illegally accepting donations from two...',
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<p style="text-align:justify"><em>The Supreme Court&rsquo;s suggestion to &lsquo;match the following&rsquo; on political donations is impractical and incorrect</em></p>

<p style="text-align:justify">In 2014, the Delhi High Court held that both the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) were guilty of illegally accepting donations from two companies registered in India but whose controlling shareholder was Vedanta, a foreign company. The court held that this was in contravention of the Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act (FCRA), 1976, as the donations accrued from &ldquo;foreign sources&rdquo; within the meaning of law.</p>

<p style="text-align:justify">Following this indictment, the two parties came together in the last memorable bipartisan move. In 2016 and 2018, the government amended the FCRA through the annual Finance Bills, to retrospectively legalise the violations. The amendments and subsequent changes brought in by the current government enabled new and regressive pathways that afford full anonymity to corporate and foreign political donors.</p>

<p style="text-align:justify"><em>A new form of anonymity</em></p>

<p style="text-align:justify">While recently hearing a Public Interest Litigation (PIL) by the Association of Democratic Reforms (ADR), the Supreme Court downplayed the concerns of the corrupting influence of anonymous corporate and foreign money. It offered us voters the suggestion of &ldquo;match the following&rdquo;.</p>

<p style="text-align:justify">Earlier, only profit-making domestic companies could contribute to political parties; now loss-making companies can too. Earlier, foreign companies or companies where the controlling stake was held by a foreign company couldn&rsquo;t contribute; now they can. India&rsquo;s political parties could theoretically be fully funded by a foreign company operating in India or by a foreign entity through a shell company.</p>

<p style="text-align:justify">In 2017, the then Finance Minister said anonymous cash donations to political parties would be reduced from ₹20,000 to ₹2,000 to ensure greater transparency in political funding. However, the concurrent introduction of electoral bonds brought a new form of anonymity to thousands of crores of donations. It drastically reduced public and legislative oversight. Only the ruling party via the State Bank of India (SBI) has a full account of all donations being made via electoral bonds, to itself and to Opposition parties. Parliament, the Election Commission and the Opposition parties do not have this information, nor do the public.</p>

<p style="text-align:justify">Please <a href="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/needed-full-disclosure-on-electoral-bonds/article34824570.ece?homepage=true">click here</a> to read more.</p>
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$metaTitle = 'LATEST NEWS UPDATES | Needed: full disclosure on electoral bonds -Rakesh Dubbudu and Inayat Sabhikhi'
$metaKeywords = 'Electoral Bonds,Transparency,Accountability,Political Parties,SBI,State Bank of India,Election Commission,Political Funding'
$metaDesc = '-The Hindu

The Supreme Court&rsquo;s suggestion to &lsquo;match the following&rsquo; on political donations is impractical and incorrect

In 2014, the Delhi High Court held that both the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) were guilty of illegally accepting donations from two...'
$disp = '<p style="text-align:justify">-The Hindu</p><p style="text-align:justify"><em>The Supreme Court&rsquo;s suggestion to &lsquo;match the following&rsquo; on political donations is impractical and incorrect</em></p><p style="text-align:justify">In 2014, the Delhi High Court held that both the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) were guilty of illegally accepting donations from two companies registered in India but whose controlling shareholder was Vedanta, a foreign company. The court held that this was in contravention of the Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act (FCRA), 1976, as the donations accrued from &ldquo;foreign sources&rdquo; within the meaning of law.</p><p style="text-align:justify">Following this indictment, the two parties came together in the last memorable bipartisan move. In 2016 and 2018, the government amended the FCRA through the annual Finance Bills, to retrospectively legalise the violations. The amendments and subsequent changes brought in by the current government enabled new and regressive pathways that afford full anonymity to corporate and foreign political donors.</p><p style="text-align:justify"><em>A new form of anonymity</em></p><p style="text-align:justify">While recently hearing a Public Interest Litigation (PIL) by the Association of Democratic Reforms (ADR), the Supreme Court downplayed the concerns of the corrupting influence of anonymous corporate and foreign money. It offered us voters the suggestion of &ldquo;match the following&rdquo;.</p><p style="text-align:justify">Earlier, only profit-making domestic companies could contribute to political parties; now loss-making companies can too. Earlier, foreign companies or companies where the controlling stake was held by a foreign company couldn&rsquo;t contribute; now they can. India&rsquo;s political parties could theoretically be fully funded by a foreign company operating in India or by a foreign entity through a shell company.</p><p style="text-align:justify">In 2017, the then Finance Minister said anonymous cash donations to political parties would be reduced from 20,000 to 2,000 to ensure greater transparency in political funding. However, the concurrent introduction of electoral bonds brought a new form of anonymity to thousands of crores of donations. It drastically reduced public and legislative oversight. Only the ruling party via the State Bank of India (SBI) has a full account of all donations being made via electoral bonds, to itself and to Opposition parties. Parliament, the Election Commission and the Opposition parties do not have this information, nor do the public.</p><p style="text-align:justify">Please <a href="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/needed-full-disclosure-on-electoral-bonds/article34824570.ece?homepage=true" title="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/needed-full-disclosure-on-electoral-bonds/article34824570.ece?homepage=true">click here</a> to read more.</p>'
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Needed: full disclosure on electoral bonds -Rakesh Dubbudu and Inayat Sabhikhi

-The Hindu The Supreme Court’s suggestion to ‘match the following’ on political donations is impractical and incorrect In 2014, the Delhi High Court held that both the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) were guilty of illegally accepting donations from two companies registered in India but whose controlling shareholder was Vedanta, a foreign company. The court held that this was in contravention of the Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act (FCRA), 1976, as the donations accrued from “foreign sources” within the meaning of law. Following this indictment, the two parties came together in the last memorable bipartisan move. In 2016 and 2018, the government amended the FCRA through the annual Finance Bills, to retrospectively legalise the violations. The amendments and subsequent changes brought in by the current government enabled new and regressive pathways that afford full anonymity to corporate and foreign political donors. A new form of anonymity While recently hearing a Public Interest Litigation (PIL) by the Association of Democratic Reforms (ADR), the Supreme Court downplayed the concerns of the corrupting influence of anonymous corporate and foreign money. It offered us voters the suggestion of “match the following”. Earlier, only profit-making domestic companies could contribute to political parties; now loss-making companies can too. Earlier, foreign companies or companies where the controlling stake was held by a foreign company couldn’t contribute; now they can. India’s political parties could theoretically be fully funded by a foreign company operating in India or by a foreign entity through a shell company. In 2017, the then Finance Minister said anonymous cash donations to political parties would be reduced from 20,000 to 2,000 to ensure greater transparency in political funding. However, the concurrent introduction of electoral bonds brought a new form of anonymity to thousands of crores of donations. It drastically reduced public and legislative oversight. Only the ruling party via the State Bank of India (SBI) has a full account of all donations being made via electoral bonds, to itself and to Opposition parties. Parliament, the Election Commission and the Opposition parties do not have this information, nor do the public. Please click here to read more.