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Resource centre on India's rural distress
 
 

Outside Democracy

In India, the fight against corruption easily becomes an alibi to undermine democratic processes and institutions. In the spurt of enthusiasm for Anna Hazare’s fast and the subsequent surrender to it by the government, what has been overlooked is the need for someone/thing like the Lok Pal to fight corruption. The simple point is that there exist within the Constitution enough processes and institutions to safeguard against corruption. The Indian judiciary is one of the most powerful in the world and one that does not hesitate to encroach upon the prerogatives of the executive and the legislature when these two institutions fail to carry out their designated responsibilities. The Indian police and administrative systems are elaborate. There are thus systems and institutions in place to deal with corruption and to punish in an exemplary manner those who are engaged in corrupt and illegal practices. No one, least of all those who jumped on to Mr Hazare’s bandwagon with alacrity, speaks of making the existing institutions and procedures more effective. Instead, like latter-day Don Quixotes, they charge towards an illusion. The illusion is that of a Lok Pal, a single person or institution who/which, with a wave of a wand, will remove corruption. Instead of rejuvenating existing institutions, they want to create another. India does not need an irrelevant institution like the Lok Pal. It needs to make the existing institutions — Parliament, the bureaucracy and the judiciary more effective. India does not need civil society to undermine the State. It needs civil society to bolster the existing arms of the State to fight corruption.

There is another level at which the arguments in favour of a Lok Pal can be rendered invalid. There is no evidence that the variant of the Lok Pal, which has been introduced at the state level, has resulted in the reduction of corruption. There is no reason to assume that a similar body at the national level will produce anything different. The prime minister, Manmohan Singh, a champion of globalization, should be aware that in no advanced democratic country — with the possible exception of Sweden — is there an ombudsman to look into corrupt practices.

The eradication of corruption is a noble aim. But this aim has to be achieved within the ambit of democratic practices. A fast unto death is not such a practice. The fasts of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi were carried out against a despotism. His chosen heir, Jawaharlal Nehru, strove to establish democracy in letter and in spirit and thus made methods of protest like the fast somewhat anachronistic. The endeavour to restore morality to politics cannot take place at the cost of what India values most — democratic institutions and practices. It is just as well that Gandhi did not live to see the project to destroy democracy in India evolved by some people swearing by his name.