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State of ferment-Ritambhara Hebbar
-The Indian Express

In Jharkhand, a gap between politics of the tribal movement and electoral politics

The recent dissolution of the Jharkhand assembly has brought to the fore the political uncertainty that hounds the state, with no leader or party managing to emerge as a viable representative of the people of Jharkhand. How does one interpret this feature, which many argue is unique to Jharkhand? Why is it that Jharkhand, particularly since its creation, has been haunted by controversy and political intrigue, and failed to evolve a leadership that could genuinely claim to represent its people? This question becomes important as many of the leaders who are now in the race for power were once at the forefront of the Jharkhand movement. Shibu Soren, the Santhali leader who, in the late-1970s and 1980s, could draw large crowds with his inflammatory anti-state speeches, is now haggling behind closed doors to form the government. It reflects the larger politics that informs not just Jharkhand but tribal areas across the country.

Unlike in Dalit politics, electoral politics has been the weak link in tribal movements, most recognisably within the Jharkhand movement. It would not be a stretch to argue that electoral politics often clashed with the politics of the movement. Electoral politics blurred ideological divides, with the local Jharkhandi leaders aligning with parties across the political spectrum. In the process, they often undermined the ideological basis of the movement. The creation of Jharkhand only strengthened this trend as it sowed the seeds of factional politics at a time when the movement was at its worst. The Jharkhand of the 1990s mostly belonged to the BJP, with their campaign for a separate Vanaanchal, while the Congress also tried to woo its constituency with the prospect of an independent Jharkhand. Present-day Jharkhand compromised on the original demand for “greater” Jharkhand, which was to include tribal districts of West Bengal, Orissa and Madhya Pradesh. The map for the new state is perceived to have been drawn by “diku” (outsider) parties.

Even at the height of the movement, identity politics inhibited the creation of a pan-Jharkhandi identity among the different tribes in the region over the issues of jal, jungle aur zamin. Although the movement produced some of the most formidable tribal leaders in the country, known for their charisma and political astuteness, none of these leaders could really exert a lasting influence beyond their tribe. This cost the movement heavily in the long run. There was a palpable gap between the politics of the movement and electoral politics, because of which the main concerns of the movement could never really sway elections. The movement’s lack of vision and direction when it came to the future of Jharkhand has only aggravated the situation. Interestingly, the last ten years have marked the reversal of many achievements of the Jharkhand movement. It has lost its mass base and, with it, the capacity to bring together the various localised struggles in the state. Second, for the most part, the movement had been non-violent, except for a brief period in the late 1980s, which saw the rise of the All Jharkhand Students Union (AJSU). However, the spread of Maoism has changed the nature and focus of tribal resistance, reducing critical spaces for dialogue, necessary for the survival of any democracy.

In neighbouring Chhattisgarh, created at the same time as Jharkhand, the BJP is hoping to continue its uninterrupted reign. In Jharkhand, despite being a dominant player, it still has to accommodate the compulsions of coalition politics. Within Jharkhand, there are innumerable localised protests against the policies of the government, even as the government struggles to find its bearings in the absence of a proper mandate from the people. No particular party or political configuration has been able to control and dominate the terms of governance in the state. Therein lies hope for Jharkhand. Political instability is a symptom of, rather than the cause for, distress in the state. It reflects the existence of society-state interface, however minimal. Chhattisgarh tells a different story — of a feudal past and the caste dynamics that dominate its politics. Despite a supposedly stable government, Chhattisgarh continues to evade pressing issues like human rights violations and tribal self-governance. Tribal politics in the country has taken a turn for the worse in the last few decades. In the political flux of Jharkhand, it still has a chance to find a voice for itself again.

The writer is with the Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai, and the author of ‘Ecology, Equality and Freedom — Engagement with Self-rule in Jharkhand’