Deprecated (16384): The ArrayAccess methods will be removed in 4.0.0.Use getParam(), getData() and getQuery() instead. - /home/brlfuser/public_html/src/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line: 73
 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php. [CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311]
Code Context


        trigger_error($message, E_USER_DEPRECATED);

    }
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 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php.'
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deprecationWarning - CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311
Cake\Http\ServerRequest::offsetGet() - CORE/src/Http/ServerRequest.php, line 2421
App\Controller\ArtileDetailController::printArticle() - APP/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line 73
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Cake\Http\ActionDispatcher::_invoke() - CORE/src/Http/ActionDispatcher.php, line 120
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Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
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Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Error\Middleware\ErrorHandlerMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Error/Middleware/ErrorHandlerMiddleware.php, line 96
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Http\Runner::run() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 51
Cake\Http\Server::run() - CORE/src/Http/Server.php, line 98

Deprecated (16384): The ArrayAccess methods will be removed in 4.0.0.Use getParam(), getData() and getQuery() instead. - /home/brlfuser/public_html/src/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line: 74
 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php. [CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311]
Code Context


        trigger_error($message, E_USER_DEPRECATED);

    }
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 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php.'
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deprecationWarning - CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311
Cake\Http\ServerRequest::offsetGet() - CORE/src/Http/ServerRequest.php, line 2421
App\Controller\ArtileDetailController::printArticle() - APP/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line 74
Cake\Controller\Controller::invokeAction() - CORE/src/Controller/Controller.php, line 610
Cake\Http\ActionDispatcher::_invoke() - CORE/src/Http/ActionDispatcher.php, line 120
Cake\Http\ActionDispatcher::dispatch() - CORE/src/Http/ActionDispatcher.php, line 94
Cake\Http\BaseApplication::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/BaseApplication.php, line 235
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Routing\Middleware\RoutingMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Routing/Middleware/RoutingMiddleware.php, line 162
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Routing\Middleware\AssetMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Routing/Middleware/AssetMiddleware.php, line 88
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Error\Middleware\ErrorHandlerMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Error/Middleware/ErrorHandlerMiddleware.php, line 96
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Http\Runner::run() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 51
Cake\Http\Server::run() - CORE/src/Http/Server.php, line 98

Warning (512): Unable to emit headers. Headers sent in file=/home/brlfuser/public_html/vendor/cakephp/cakephp/src/Error/Debugger.php line=853 [CORE/src/Http/ResponseEmitter.php, line 48]
Code Context
            if (Configure::read('debug')) {

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-The Hindu&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;Behind lynching lies the vicious idea that goodness is possessed by one group alone and all others who do not have it or stray from it are enemies to be conquered&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Group violence unleashed upon an alleged transgressor is always spurred by a complex interplay of interest, prejudice and power. The Bulandshahr lynchings of a police officer and a youth were not spontaneous reactions to grave wrongdoing by a hastily assembled crowd.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Let me selectively offer one such explanation for this frightening incident, one that emphasises power. Extreme aggression creates fear in one&amp;rsquo;s opponents as well as in those who refuse to take sides. If so, the Bulandshahr lynchings were intended not only to terrorise a minority &amp;mdash; the alleged cow-slaughterers &amp;mdash; but also those keen to impartially implement the law. The killing of the brave Station House Officer, Subodh Kumar Singh, was meant to instil fear in officers within the state machinery itself. This is a plausible account. But I want to go beyond it and examine the ideological underpinnings of lynching. Since mob lynching is not restricted to any one ideology, I wish to go beneath the surface of ideologies to identify the elementary structure of thought present invariably at their core. What is it? Here is my tentative answer: marked difference between &amp;lsquo;us&amp;rsquo; and &amp;lsquo;them&amp;rsquo;. But even this, stated so simplistically, is an insufficient explanation for lynching. Why?&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;Living with difference&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Consider the following: suppose that you and I are different in one respect, say religion, but not in others. This difference usually implies that you participate in a practice different from mine &amp;mdash; I go to a temple and you to a church. But it does not follow that you and I, despite our religious differences, cannot come together in other respects. After all, those who go to the church or to the temple also speak a language, are citizens of a polity, are part of a family, live in a neighbourhood, have jobs and hobbies, and relate to people around on many other issues. In short, our membership of a religious community is only one among many memberships of several different communities. Invariably, a person has multiple networks or solidarities. So, if Christians are asked whether it is important for Hindus in their midst to go to church, they can easily respond by saying: &amp;ldquo;No, that is exclusive to us and not required for them. They go to the temple.&amp;rdquo; Quite clearly, this &amp;lsquo;us&amp;rsquo; and &amp;lsquo;them&amp;rsquo; discourse is quite harmless. The distinction in this form cannot be the ideological cause of violence against others.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
But now, let us imagine that this religious dimension begins to colour all other dimensions of life. And therefore, religion becomes our dominant or defining feature. Let us say that everyone believes that despite their common activities, they are primarily defined by their religion. Such people will draw sharp boundaries between their own communities and that of others. They will view themselves as utterly different from each other. Such differences might even lead to conflicts. Can such people live together? I believe they can, because despite conflicts, they will invariably find some commonality. Life needs social cooperation; it would come to a standstill if people focussed only on their radical differences rather than on what brings them together. Besides, conflicts need not turn violent. Therefore, on its own, even a sharp boundary between &amp;lsquo;us&amp;rsquo; and &amp;lsquo;them&amp;rsquo; (sharpened religious differences) does not cause lynching that necessarily involves violence.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/the-deep-disturbing-thought-behind-lynchings/article25698786.ece?homepage=true&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;&#039;,
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Behind lynching lies the vicious idea that goodness is possessed by one group alone and all others who do not have it or stray from it are enemies to be conquered

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	&#039;disp&#039; =&gt; &#039;&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;-The Hindu&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;Behind lynching lies the vicious idea that goodness is possessed by one group alone and all others who do not have it or stray from it are enemies to be conquered&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Group violence unleashed upon an alleged transgressor is always spurred by a complex interplay of interest, prejudice and power. The Bulandshahr lynchings of a police officer and a youth were not spontaneous reactions to grave wrongdoing by a hastily assembled crowd.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Let me selectively offer one such explanation for this frightening incident, one that emphasises power. Extreme aggression creates fear in one&amp;rsquo;s opponents as well as in those who refuse to take sides. If so, the Bulandshahr lynchings were intended not only to terrorise a minority &amp;mdash; the alleged cow-slaughterers &amp;mdash; but also those keen to impartially implement the law. The killing of the brave Station House Officer, Subodh Kumar Singh, was meant to instil fear in officers within the state machinery itself. This is a plausible account. But I want to go beyond it and examine the ideological underpinnings of lynching. Since mob lynching is not restricted to any one ideology, I wish to go beneath the surface of ideologies to identify the elementary structure of thought present invariably at their core. What is it? Here is my tentative answer: marked difference between &amp;lsquo;us&amp;rsquo; and &amp;lsquo;them&amp;rsquo;. But even this, stated so simplistically, is an insufficient explanation for lynching. Why?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;Living with difference&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Consider the following: suppose that you and I are different in one respect, say religion, but not in others. This difference usually implies that you participate in a practice different from mine &amp;mdash; I go to a temple and you to a church. But it does not follow that you and I, despite our religious differences, cannot come together in other respects. After all, those who go to the church or to the temple also speak a language, are citizens of a polity, are part of a family, live in a neighbourhood, have jobs and hobbies, and relate to people around on many other issues. In short, our membership of a religious community is only one among many memberships of several different communities. Invariably, a person has multiple networks or solidarities. So, if Christians are asked whether it is important for Hindus in their midst to go to church, they can easily respond by saying: &amp;ldquo;No, that is exclusive to us and not required for them. They go to the temple.&amp;rdquo; Quite clearly, this &amp;lsquo;us&amp;rsquo; and &amp;lsquo;them&amp;rsquo; discourse is quite harmless. The distinction in this form cannot be the ideological cause of violence against others.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;But now, let us imagine that this religious dimension begins to colour all other dimensions of life. And therefore, religion becomes our dominant or defining feature. Let us say that everyone believes that despite their common activities, they are primarily defined by their religion. Such people will draw sharp boundaries between their own communities and that of others. They will view themselves as utterly different from each other. Such differences might even lead to conflicts. Can such people live together? I believe they can, because despite conflicts, they will invariably find some commonality. Life needs social cooperation; it would come to a standstill if people focussed only on their radical differences rather than on what brings them together. Besides, conflicts need not turn violent. Therefore, on its own, even a sharp boundary between &amp;lsquo;us&amp;rsquo; and &amp;lsquo;them&amp;rsquo; (sharpened religious differences) does not cause lynching that necessarily involves violence.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/the-deep-disturbing-thought-behind-lynchings/article25698786.ece?homepage=true&quot; title=&quot;https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/the-deep-disturbing-thought-behind-lynchings/article25698786.ece?homepage=true&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;&#039;,
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-The Hindu&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;Behind lynching lies the vicious idea that goodness is possessed by one group alone and all others who do not have it or stray from it are enemies to be conquered&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Group violence unleashed upon an alleged transgressor is always spurred by a complex interplay of interest, prejudice and power. The Bulandshahr lynchings of a police officer and a youth were not spontaneous reactions to grave wrongdoing by a hastily assembled crowd.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Let me selectively offer one such explanation for this frightening incident, one that emphasises power. Extreme aggression creates fear in one&amp;rsquo;s opponents as well as in those who refuse to take sides. If so, the Bulandshahr lynchings were intended not only to terrorise a minority &amp;mdash; the alleged cow-slaughterers &amp;mdash; but also those keen to impartially implement the law. The killing of the brave Station House Officer, Subodh Kumar Singh, was meant to instil fear in officers within the state machinery itself. This is a plausible account. But I want to go beyond it and examine the ideological underpinnings of lynching. Since mob lynching is not restricted to any one ideology, I wish to go beneath the surface of ideologies to identify the elementary structure of thought present invariably at their core. What is it? Here is my tentative answer: marked difference between &amp;lsquo;us&amp;rsquo; and &amp;lsquo;them&amp;rsquo;. But even this, stated so simplistically, is an insufficient explanation for lynching. Why?&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;Living with difference&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Consider the following: suppose that you and I are different in one respect, say religion, but not in others. This difference usually implies that you participate in a practice different from mine &amp;mdash; I go to a temple and you to a church. But it does not follow that you and I, despite our religious differences, cannot come together in other respects. After all, those who go to the church or to the temple also speak a language, are citizens of a polity, are part of a family, live in a neighbourhood, have jobs and hobbies, and relate to people around on many other issues. In short, our membership of a religious community is only one among many memberships of several different communities. Invariably, a person has multiple networks or solidarities. So, if Christians are asked whether it is important for Hindus in their midst to go to church, they can easily respond by saying: &amp;ldquo;No, that is exclusive to us and not required for them. They go to the temple.&amp;rdquo; Quite clearly, this &amp;lsquo;us&amp;rsquo; and &amp;lsquo;them&amp;rsquo; discourse is quite harmless. The distinction in this form cannot be the ideological cause of violence against others.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
But now, let us imagine that this religious dimension begins to colour all other dimensions of life. And therefore, religion becomes our dominant or defining feature. Let us say that everyone believes that despite their common activities, they are primarily defined by their religion. Such people will draw sharp boundaries between their own communities and that of others. They will view themselves as utterly different from each other. Such differences might even lead to conflicts. Can such people live together? I believe they can, because despite conflicts, they will invariably find some commonality. Life needs social cooperation; it would come to a standstill if people focussed only on their radical differences rather than on what brings them together. Besides, conflicts need not turn violent. Therefore, on its own, even a sharp boundary between &amp;lsquo;us&amp;rsquo; and &amp;lsquo;them&amp;rsquo; (sharpened religious differences) does not cause lynching that necessarily involves violence.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/the-deep-disturbing-thought-behind-lynchings/article25698786.ece?homepage=true&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;&#039;,
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-The Hindu

Behind lynching lies the vicious idea that goodness is possessed by one group alone and all others who do not have it or stray from it are enemies to be conquered

Group violence unleashed upon an alleged transgressor is always...&#039;
$disp = &#039;&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;-The Hindu&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;Behind lynching lies the vicious idea that goodness is possessed by one group alone and all others who do not have it or stray from it are enemies to be conquered&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Group violence unleashed upon an alleged transgressor is always spurred by a complex interplay of interest, prejudice and power. The Bulandshahr lynchings of a police officer and a youth were not spontaneous reactions to grave wrongdoing by a hastily assembled crowd.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Let me selectively offer one such explanation for this frightening incident, one that emphasises power. Extreme aggression creates fear in one&amp;rsquo;s opponents as well as in those who refuse to take sides. If so, the Bulandshahr lynchings were intended not only to terrorise a minority &amp;mdash; the alleged cow-slaughterers &amp;mdash; but also those keen to impartially implement the law. The killing of the brave Station House Officer, Subodh Kumar Singh, was meant to instil fear in officers within the state machinery itself. This is a plausible account. But I want to go beyond it and examine the ideological underpinnings of lynching. Since mob lynching is not restricted to any one ideology, I wish to go beneath the surface of ideologies to identify the elementary structure of thought present invariably at their core. What is it? Here is my tentative answer: marked difference between &amp;lsquo;us&amp;rsquo; and &amp;lsquo;them&amp;rsquo;. But even this, stated so simplistically, is an insufficient explanation for lynching. Why?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;Living with difference&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Consider the following: suppose that you and I are different in one respect, say religion, but not in others. This difference usually implies that you participate in a practice different from mine &amp;mdash; I go to a temple and you to a church. But it does not follow that you and I, despite our religious differences, cannot come together in other respects. After all, those who go to the church or to the temple also speak a language, are citizens of a polity, are part of a family, live in a neighbourhood, have jobs and hobbies, and relate to people around on many other issues. In short, our membership of a religious community is only one among many memberships of several different communities. Invariably, a person has multiple networks or solidarities. So, if Christians are asked whether it is important for Hindus in their midst to go to church, they can easily respond by saying: &amp;ldquo;No, that is exclusive to us and not required for them. They go to the temple.&amp;rdquo; Quite clearly, this &amp;lsquo;us&amp;rsquo; and &amp;lsquo;them&amp;rsquo; discourse is quite harmless. The distinction in this form cannot be the ideological cause of violence against others.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;But now, let us imagine that this religious dimension begins to colour all other dimensions of life. And therefore, religion becomes our dominant or defining feature. Let us say that everyone believes that despite their common activities, they are primarily defined by their religion. Such people will draw sharp boundaries between their own communities and that of others. They will view themselves as utterly different from each other. Such differences might even lead to conflicts. Can such people live together? I believe they can, because despite conflicts, they will invariably find some commonality. Life needs social cooperation; it would come to a standstill if people focussed only on their radical differences rather than on what brings them together. Besides, conflicts need not turn violent. Therefore, on its own, even a sharp boundary between &amp;lsquo;us&amp;rsquo; and &amp;lsquo;them&amp;rsquo; (sharpened religious differences) does not cause lynching that necessarily involves violence.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/the-deep-disturbing-thought-behind-lynchings/article25698786.ece?homepage=true&quot; title=&quot;https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/the-deep-disturbing-thought-behind-lynchings/article25698786.ece?homepage=true&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;&#039;
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Behind lynching lies the vicious idea that goodness is possessed by one group alone and all others who do not have it or stray from it are enemies to be conquered

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                <strong>The deep, disturbing thought behind lynchings -Rajeev Bhargava</strong></h1>
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                <div align="justify">-The Hindu<br /><br /><em>Behind lynching lies the vicious idea that goodness is possessed by one group alone and all others who do not have it or stray from it are enemies to be conquered<br /></em><br />Group violence unleashed upon an alleged transgressor is always spurred by a complex interplay of interest, prejudice and power. The Bulandshahr lynchings of a police officer and a youth were not spontaneous reactions to grave wrongdoing by a hastily assembled crowd.<br /><br />Let me selectively offer one such explanation for this frightening incident, one that emphasises power. Extreme aggression creates fear in one&rsquo;s opponents as well as in those who refuse to take sides. If so, the Bulandshahr lynchings were intended not only to terrorise a minority &mdash; the alleged cow-slaughterers &mdash; but also those keen to impartially implement the law. The killing of the brave Station House Officer, Subodh Kumar Singh, was meant to instil fear in officers within the state machinery itself. This is a plausible account. But I want to go beyond it and examine the ideological underpinnings of lynching. Since mob lynching is not restricted to any one ideology, I wish to go beneath the surface of ideologies to identify the elementary structure of thought present invariably at their core. What is it? Here is my tentative answer: marked difference between &lsquo;us&rsquo; and &lsquo;them&rsquo;. But even this, stated so simplistically, is an insufficient explanation for lynching. Why?<br /><br /><em>Living with difference<br /></em><br />Consider the following: suppose that you and I are different in one respect, say religion, but not in others. This difference usually implies that you participate in a practice different from mine &mdash; I go to a temple and you to a church. But it does not follow that you and I, despite our religious differences, cannot come together in other respects. After all, those who go to the church or to the temple also speak a language, are citizens of a polity, are part of a family, live in a neighbourhood, have jobs and hobbies, and relate to people around on many other issues. In short, our membership of a religious community is only one among many memberships of several different communities. Invariably, a person has multiple networks or solidarities. So, if Christians are asked whether it is important for Hindus in their midst to go to church, they can easily respond by saying: &ldquo;No, that is exclusive to us and not required for them. They go to the temple.&rdquo; Quite clearly, this &lsquo;us&rsquo; and &lsquo;them&rsquo; discourse is quite harmless. The distinction in this form cannot be the ideological cause of violence against others.<br /><br />But now, let us imagine that this religious dimension begins to colour all other dimensions of life. And therefore, religion becomes our dominant or defining feature. Let us say that everyone believes that despite their common activities, they are primarily defined by their religion. Such people will draw sharp boundaries between their own communities and that of others. They will view themselves as utterly different from each other. Such differences might even lead to conflicts. Can such people live together? I believe they can, because despite conflicts, they will invariably find some commonality. Life needs social cooperation; it would come to a standstill if people focussed only on their radical differences rather than on what brings them together. Besides, conflicts need not turn violent. Therefore, on its own, even a sharp boundary between &lsquo;us&rsquo; and &lsquo;them&rsquo; (sharpened religious differences) does not cause lynching that necessarily involves violence.<br /><br />Please <a href="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/the-deep-disturbing-thought-behind-lynchings/article25698786.ece?homepage=true" title="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/the-deep-disturbing-thought-behind-lynchings/article25698786.ece?homepage=true">click here</a> to read more. <br /></div>               </font>
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-The Hindu&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;Behind lynching lies the vicious idea that goodness is possessed by one group alone and all others who do not have it or stray from it are enemies to be conquered&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Group violence unleashed upon an alleged transgressor is always spurred by a complex interplay of interest, prejudice and power. The Bulandshahr lynchings of a police officer and a youth were not spontaneous reactions to grave wrongdoing by a hastily assembled crowd.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Let me selectively offer one such explanation for this frightening incident, one that emphasises power. Extreme aggression creates fear in one&amp;rsquo;s opponents as well as in those who refuse to take sides. If so, the Bulandshahr lynchings were intended not only to terrorise a minority &amp;mdash; the alleged cow-slaughterers &amp;mdash; but also those keen to impartially implement the law. The killing of the brave Station House Officer, Subodh Kumar Singh, was meant to instil fear in officers within the state machinery itself. This is a plausible account. But I want to go beyond it and examine the ideological underpinnings of lynching. Since mob lynching is not restricted to any one ideology, I wish to go beneath the surface of ideologies to identify the elementary structure of thought present invariably at their core. What is it? Here is my tentative answer: marked difference between &amp;lsquo;us&amp;rsquo; and &amp;lsquo;them&amp;rsquo;. But even this, stated so simplistically, is an insufficient explanation for lynching. Why?&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;Living with difference&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Consider the following: suppose that you and I are different in one respect, say religion, but not in others. This difference usually implies that you participate in a practice different from mine &amp;mdash; I go to a temple and you to a church. But it does not follow that you and I, despite our religious differences, cannot come together in other respects. After all, those who go to the church or to the temple also speak a language, are citizens of a polity, are part of a family, live in a neighbourhood, have jobs and hobbies, and relate to people around on many other issues. In short, our membership of a religious community is only one among many memberships of several different communities. Invariably, a person has multiple networks or solidarities. So, if Christians are asked whether it is important for Hindus in their midst to go to church, they can easily respond by saying: &amp;ldquo;No, that is exclusive to us and not required for them. They go to the temple.&amp;rdquo; Quite clearly, this &amp;lsquo;us&amp;rsquo; and &amp;lsquo;them&amp;rsquo; discourse is quite harmless. The distinction in this form cannot be the ideological cause of violence against others.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
But now, let us imagine that this religious dimension begins to colour all other dimensions of life. And therefore, religion becomes our dominant or defining feature. Let us say that everyone believes that despite their common activities, they are primarily defined by their religion. Such people will draw sharp boundaries between their own communities and that of others. They will view themselves as utterly different from each other. Such differences might even lead to conflicts. Can such people live together? I believe they can, because despite conflicts, they will invariably find some commonality. Life needs social cooperation; it would come to a standstill if people focussed only on their radical differences rather than on what brings them together. Besides, conflicts need not turn violent. Therefore, on its own, even a sharp boundary between &amp;lsquo;us&amp;rsquo; and &amp;lsquo;them&amp;rsquo; (sharpened religious differences) does not cause lynching that necessarily involves violence.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/the-deep-disturbing-thought-behind-lynchings/article25698786.ece?homepage=true&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;
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Behind lynching lies the vicious idea that goodness is possessed by one group alone and all others who do not have it or stray from it are enemies to be conquered

Group violence unleashed upon an alleged transgressor is always...&#039;,
	&#039;disp&#039; =&gt; &#039;&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;-The Hindu&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;Behind lynching lies the vicious idea that goodness is possessed by one group alone and all others who do not have it or stray from it are enemies to be conquered&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Group violence unleashed upon an alleged transgressor is always spurred by a complex interplay of interest, prejudice and power. The Bulandshahr lynchings of a police officer and a youth were not spontaneous reactions to grave wrongdoing by a hastily assembled crowd.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Let me selectively offer one such explanation for this frightening incident, one that emphasises power. Extreme aggression creates fear in one&amp;rsquo;s opponents as well as in those who refuse to take sides. If so, the Bulandshahr lynchings were intended not only to terrorise a minority &amp;mdash; the alleged cow-slaughterers &amp;mdash; but also those keen to impartially implement the law. The killing of the brave Station House Officer, Subodh Kumar Singh, was meant to instil fear in officers within the state machinery itself. This is a plausible account. But I want to go beyond it and examine the ideological underpinnings of lynching. Since mob lynching is not restricted to any one ideology, I wish to go beneath the surface of ideologies to identify the elementary structure of thought present invariably at their core. What is it? Here is my tentative answer: marked difference between &amp;lsquo;us&amp;rsquo; and &amp;lsquo;them&amp;rsquo;. But even this, stated so simplistically, is an insufficient explanation for lynching. Why?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;Living with difference&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Consider the following: suppose that you and I are different in one respect, say religion, but not in others. This difference usually implies that you participate in a practice different from mine &amp;mdash; I go to a temple and you to a church. But it does not follow that you and I, despite our religious differences, cannot come together in other respects. After all, those who go to the church or to the temple also speak a language, are citizens of a polity, are part of a family, live in a neighbourhood, have jobs and hobbies, and relate to people around on many other issues. In short, our membership of a religious community is only one among many memberships of several different communities. Invariably, a person has multiple networks or solidarities. So, if Christians are asked whether it is important for Hindus in their midst to go to church, they can easily respond by saying: &amp;ldquo;No, that is exclusive to us and not required for them. They go to the temple.&amp;rdquo; Quite clearly, this &amp;lsquo;us&amp;rsquo; and &amp;lsquo;them&amp;rsquo; discourse is quite harmless. The distinction in this form cannot be the ideological cause of violence against others.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;But now, let us imagine that this religious dimension begins to colour all other dimensions of life. And therefore, religion becomes our dominant or defining feature. Let us say that everyone believes that despite their common activities, they are primarily defined by their religion. Such people will draw sharp boundaries between their own communities and that of others. They will view themselves as utterly different from each other. Such differences might even lead to conflicts. Can such people live together? I believe they can, because despite conflicts, they will invariably find some commonality. Life needs social cooperation; it would come to a standstill if people focussed only on their radical differences rather than on what brings them together. Besides, conflicts need not turn violent. Therefore, on its own, even a sharp boundary between &amp;lsquo;us&amp;rsquo; and &amp;lsquo;them&amp;rsquo; (sharpened religious differences) does not cause lynching that necessarily involves violence.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/the-deep-disturbing-thought-behind-lynchings/article25698786.ece?homepage=true&quot; title=&quot;https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/the-deep-disturbing-thought-behind-lynchings/article25698786.ece?homepage=true&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;&#039;,
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-The Hindu&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;Behind lynching lies the vicious idea that goodness is possessed by one group alone and all others who do not have it or stray from it are enemies to be conquered&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Group violence unleashed upon an alleged transgressor is always spurred by a complex interplay of interest, prejudice and power. The Bulandshahr lynchings of a police officer and a youth were not spontaneous reactions to grave wrongdoing by a hastily assembled crowd.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Let me selectively offer one such explanation for this frightening incident, one that emphasises power. Extreme aggression creates fear in one&amp;rsquo;s opponents as well as in those who refuse to take sides. If so, the Bulandshahr lynchings were intended not only to terrorise a minority &amp;mdash; the alleged cow-slaughterers &amp;mdash; but also those keen to impartially implement the law. The killing of the brave Station House Officer, Subodh Kumar Singh, was meant to instil fear in officers within the state machinery itself. This is a plausible account. But I want to go beyond it and examine the ideological underpinnings of lynching. Since mob lynching is not restricted to any one ideology, I wish to go beneath the surface of ideologies to identify the elementary structure of thought present invariably at their core. What is it? Here is my tentative answer: marked difference between &amp;lsquo;us&amp;rsquo; and &amp;lsquo;them&amp;rsquo;. But even this, stated so simplistically, is an insufficient explanation for lynching. Why?&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;Living with difference&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Consider the following: suppose that you and I are different in one respect, say religion, but not in others. This difference usually implies that you participate in a practice different from mine &amp;mdash; I go to a temple and you to a church. But it does not follow that you and I, despite our religious differences, cannot come together in other respects. After all, those who go to the church or to the temple also speak a language, are citizens of a polity, are part of a family, live in a neighbourhood, have jobs and hobbies, and relate to people around on many other issues. In short, our membership of a religious community is only one among many memberships of several different communities. Invariably, a person has multiple networks or solidarities. So, if Christians are asked whether it is important for Hindus in their midst to go to church, they can easily respond by saying: &amp;ldquo;No, that is exclusive to us and not required for them. They go to the temple.&amp;rdquo; Quite clearly, this &amp;lsquo;us&amp;rsquo; and &amp;lsquo;them&amp;rsquo; discourse is quite harmless. The distinction in this form cannot be the ideological cause of violence against others.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
But now, let us imagine that this religious dimension begins to colour all other dimensions of life. And therefore, religion becomes our dominant or defining feature. Let us say that everyone believes that despite their common activities, they are primarily defined by their religion. Such people will draw sharp boundaries between their own communities and that of others. They will view themselves as utterly different from each other. Such differences might even lead to conflicts. Can such people live together? I believe they can, because despite conflicts, they will invariably find some commonality. Life needs social cooperation; it would come to a standstill if people focussed only on their radical differences rather than on what brings them together. Besides, conflicts need not turn violent. Therefore, on its own, even a sharp boundary between &amp;lsquo;us&amp;rsquo; and &amp;lsquo;them&amp;rsquo; (sharpened religious differences) does not cause lynching that necessarily involves violence.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/the-deep-disturbing-thought-behind-lynchings/article25698786.ece?homepage=true&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;
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-The Hindu

Behind lynching lies the vicious idea that goodness is possessed by one group alone and all others who do not have it or stray from it are enemies to be conquered

Group violence unleashed upon an alleged transgressor is always...&#039;
$disp = &#039;&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;-The Hindu&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;Behind lynching lies the vicious idea that goodness is possessed by one group alone and all others who do not have it or stray from it are enemies to be conquered&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Group violence unleashed upon an alleged transgressor is always spurred by a complex interplay of interest, prejudice and power. The Bulandshahr lynchings of a police officer and a youth were not spontaneous reactions to grave wrongdoing by a hastily assembled crowd.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Let me selectively offer one such explanation for this frightening incident, one that emphasises power. Extreme aggression creates fear in one&amp;rsquo;s opponents as well as in those who refuse to take sides. If so, the Bulandshahr lynchings were intended not only to terrorise a minority &amp;mdash; the alleged cow-slaughterers &amp;mdash; but also those keen to impartially implement the law. The killing of the brave Station House Officer, Subodh Kumar Singh, was meant to instil fear in officers within the state machinery itself. This is a plausible account. But I want to go beyond it and examine the ideological underpinnings of lynching. Since mob lynching is not restricted to any one ideology, I wish to go beneath the surface of ideologies to identify the elementary structure of thought present invariably at their core. What is it? Here is my tentative answer: marked difference between &amp;lsquo;us&amp;rsquo; and &amp;lsquo;them&amp;rsquo;. But even this, stated so simplistically, is an insufficient explanation for lynching. Why?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;Living with difference&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Consider the following: suppose that you and I are different in one respect, say religion, but not in others. This difference usually implies that you participate in a practice different from mine &amp;mdash; I go to a temple and you to a church. But it does not follow that you and I, despite our religious differences, cannot come together in other respects. After all, those who go to the church or to the temple also speak a language, are citizens of a polity, are part of a family, live in a neighbourhood, have jobs and hobbies, and relate to people around on many other issues. In short, our membership of a religious community is only one among many memberships of several different communities. Invariably, a person has multiple networks or solidarities. So, if Christians are asked whether it is important for Hindus in their midst to go to church, they can easily respond by saying: &amp;ldquo;No, that is exclusive to us and not required for them. They go to the temple.&amp;rdquo; Quite clearly, this &amp;lsquo;us&amp;rsquo; and &amp;lsquo;them&amp;rsquo; discourse is quite harmless. The distinction in this form cannot be the ideological cause of violence against others.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;But now, let us imagine that this religious dimension begins to colour all other dimensions of life. And therefore, religion becomes our dominant or defining feature. Let us say that everyone believes that despite their common activities, they are primarily defined by their religion. Such people will draw sharp boundaries between their own communities and that of others. They will view themselves as utterly different from each other. Such differences might even lead to conflicts. Can such people live together? I believe they can, because despite conflicts, they will invariably find some commonality. Life needs social cooperation; it would come to a standstill if people focussed only on their radical differences rather than on what brings them together. Besides, conflicts need not turn violent. Therefore, on its own, even a sharp boundary between &amp;lsquo;us&amp;rsquo; and &amp;lsquo;them&amp;rsquo; (sharpened religious differences) does not cause lynching that necessarily involves violence.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/the-deep-disturbing-thought-behind-lynchings/article25698786.ece?homepage=true&quot; title=&quot;https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/the-deep-disturbing-thought-behind-lynchings/article25698786.ece?homepage=true&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;&#039;
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Behind lynching lies the vicious idea that goodness is possessed by one group alone and all others who do not have it or stray from it are enemies to be conquered

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                <strong>The deep, disturbing thought behind lynchings -Rajeev Bhargava</strong></h1>
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                <div align="justify">-The Hindu<br /><br /><em>Behind lynching lies the vicious idea that goodness is possessed by one group alone and all others who do not have it or stray from it are enemies to be conquered<br /></em><br />Group violence unleashed upon an alleged transgressor is always spurred by a complex interplay of interest, prejudice and power. The Bulandshahr lynchings of a police officer and a youth were not spontaneous reactions to grave wrongdoing by a hastily assembled crowd.<br /><br />Let me selectively offer one such explanation for this frightening incident, one that emphasises power. Extreme aggression creates fear in one&rsquo;s opponents as well as in those who refuse to take sides. If so, the Bulandshahr lynchings were intended not only to terrorise a minority &mdash; the alleged cow-slaughterers &mdash; but also those keen to impartially implement the law. The killing of the brave Station House Officer, Subodh Kumar Singh, was meant to instil fear in officers within the state machinery itself. This is a plausible account. But I want to go beyond it and examine the ideological underpinnings of lynching. Since mob lynching is not restricted to any one ideology, I wish to go beneath the surface of ideologies to identify the elementary structure of thought present invariably at their core. What is it? Here is my tentative answer: marked difference between &lsquo;us&rsquo; and &lsquo;them&rsquo;. But even this, stated so simplistically, is an insufficient explanation for lynching. Why?<br /><br /><em>Living with difference<br /></em><br />Consider the following: suppose that you and I are different in one respect, say religion, but not in others. This difference usually implies that you participate in a practice different from mine &mdash; I go to a temple and you to a church. But it does not follow that you and I, despite our religious differences, cannot come together in other respects. After all, those who go to the church or to the temple also speak a language, are citizens of a polity, are part of a family, live in a neighbourhood, have jobs and hobbies, and relate to people around on many other issues. In short, our membership of a religious community is only one among many memberships of several different communities. Invariably, a person has multiple networks or solidarities. So, if Christians are asked whether it is important for Hindus in their midst to go to church, they can easily respond by saying: &ldquo;No, that is exclusive to us and not required for them. They go to the temple.&rdquo; Quite clearly, this &lsquo;us&rsquo; and &lsquo;them&rsquo; discourse is quite harmless. The distinction in this form cannot be the ideological cause of violence against others.<br /><br />But now, let us imagine that this religious dimension begins to colour all other dimensions of life. And therefore, religion becomes our dominant or defining feature. Let us say that everyone believes that despite their common activities, they are primarily defined by their religion. Such people will draw sharp boundaries between their own communities and that of others. They will view themselves as utterly different from each other. Such differences might even lead to conflicts. Can such people live together? I believe they can, because despite conflicts, they will invariably find some commonality. Life needs social cooperation; it would come to a standstill if people focussed only on their radical differences rather than on what brings them together. Besides, conflicts need not turn violent. Therefore, on its own, even a sharp boundary between &lsquo;us&rsquo; and &lsquo;them&rsquo; (sharpened religious differences) does not cause lynching that necessarily involves violence.<br /><br />Please <a href="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/the-deep-disturbing-thought-behind-lynchings/article25698786.ece?homepage=true" title="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/the-deep-disturbing-thought-behind-lynchings/article25698786.ece?homepage=true">click here</a> to read more. <br /></div>               </font>
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-The Hindu&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;Behind lynching lies the vicious idea that goodness is possessed by one group alone and all others who do not have it or stray from it are enemies to be conquered&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Group violence unleashed upon an alleged transgressor is always spurred by a complex interplay of interest, prejudice and power. The Bulandshahr lynchings of a police officer and a youth were not spontaneous reactions to grave wrongdoing by a hastily assembled crowd.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Let me selectively offer one such explanation for this frightening incident, one that emphasises power. Extreme aggression creates fear in one&amp;rsquo;s opponents as well as in those who refuse to take sides. If so, the Bulandshahr lynchings were intended not only to terrorise a minority &amp;mdash; the alleged cow-slaughterers &amp;mdash; but also those keen to impartially implement the law. The killing of the brave Station House Officer, Subodh Kumar Singh, was meant to instil fear in officers within the state machinery itself. This is a plausible account. But I want to go beyond it and examine the ideological underpinnings of lynching. Since mob lynching is not restricted to any one ideology, I wish to go beneath the surface of ideologies to identify the elementary structure of thought present invariably at their core. What is it? Here is my tentative answer: marked difference between &amp;lsquo;us&amp;rsquo; and &amp;lsquo;them&amp;rsquo;. But even this, stated so simplistically, is an insufficient explanation for lynching. Why?&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;Living with difference&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Consider the following: suppose that you and I are different in one respect, say religion, but not in others. This difference usually implies that you participate in a practice different from mine &amp;mdash; I go to a temple and you to a church. But it does not follow that you and I, despite our religious differences, cannot come together in other respects. After all, those who go to the church or to the temple also speak a language, are citizens of a polity, are part of a family, live in a neighbourhood, have jobs and hobbies, and relate to people around on many other issues. In short, our membership of a religious community is only one among many memberships of several different communities. Invariably, a person has multiple networks or solidarities. So, if Christians are asked whether it is important for Hindus in their midst to go to church, they can easily respond by saying: &amp;ldquo;No, that is exclusive to us and not required for them. They go to the temple.&amp;rdquo; Quite clearly, this &amp;lsquo;us&amp;rsquo; and &amp;lsquo;them&amp;rsquo; discourse is quite harmless. The distinction in this form cannot be the ideological cause of violence against others.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
But now, let us imagine that this religious dimension begins to colour all other dimensions of life. And therefore, religion becomes our dominant or defining feature. Let us say that everyone believes that despite their common activities, they are primarily defined by their religion. Such people will draw sharp boundaries between their own communities and that of others. They will view themselves as utterly different from each other. Such differences might even lead to conflicts. Can such people live together? I believe they can, because despite conflicts, they will invariably find some commonality. Life needs social cooperation; it would come to a standstill if people focussed only on their radical differences rather than on what brings them together. Besides, conflicts need not turn violent. Therefore, on its own, even a sharp boundary between &amp;lsquo;us&amp;rsquo; and &amp;lsquo;them&amp;rsquo; (sharpened religious differences) does not cause lynching that necessarily involves violence.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/the-deep-disturbing-thought-behind-lynchings/article25698786.ece?homepage=true&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;&#039;,
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-The Hindu

Behind lynching lies the vicious idea that goodness is possessed by one group alone and all others who do not have it or stray from it are enemies to be conquered

Group violence unleashed upon an alleged transgressor is always...&#039;,
	&#039;disp&#039; =&gt; &#039;&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;-The Hindu&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;Behind lynching lies the vicious idea that goodness is possessed by one group alone and all others who do not have it or stray from it are enemies to be conquered&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Group violence unleashed upon an alleged transgressor is always spurred by a complex interplay of interest, prejudice and power. The Bulandshahr lynchings of a police officer and a youth were not spontaneous reactions to grave wrongdoing by a hastily assembled crowd.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Let me selectively offer one such explanation for this frightening incident, one that emphasises power. Extreme aggression creates fear in one&amp;rsquo;s opponents as well as in those who refuse to take sides. If so, the Bulandshahr lynchings were intended not only to terrorise a minority &amp;mdash; the alleged cow-slaughterers &amp;mdash; but also those keen to impartially implement the law. The killing of the brave Station House Officer, Subodh Kumar Singh, was meant to instil fear in officers within the state machinery itself. This is a plausible account. But I want to go beyond it and examine the ideological underpinnings of lynching. Since mob lynching is not restricted to any one ideology, I wish to go beneath the surface of ideologies to identify the elementary structure of thought present invariably at their core. What is it? Here is my tentative answer: marked difference between &amp;lsquo;us&amp;rsquo; and &amp;lsquo;them&amp;rsquo;. But even this, stated so simplistically, is an insufficient explanation for lynching. Why?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;Living with difference&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Consider the following: suppose that you and I are different in one respect, say religion, but not in others. This difference usually implies that you participate in a practice different from mine &amp;mdash; I go to a temple and you to a church. But it does not follow that you and I, despite our religious differences, cannot come together in other respects. After all, those who go to the church or to the temple also speak a language, are citizens of a polity, are part of a family, live in a neighbourhood, have jobs and hobbies, and relate to people around on many other issues. In short, our membership of a religious community is only one among many memberships of several different communities. Invariably, a person has multiple networks or solidarities. So, if Christians are asked whether it is important for Hindus in their midst to go to church, they can easily respond by saying: &amp;ldquo;No, that is exclusive to us and not required for them. They go to the temple.&amp;rdquo; Quite clearly, this &amp;lsquo;us&amp;rsquo; and &amp;lsquo;them&amp;rsquo; discourse is quite harmless. The distinction in this form cannot be the ideological cause of violence against others.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;But now, let us imagine that this religious dimension begins to colour all other dimensions of life. And therefore, religion becomes our dominant or defining feature. Let us say that everyone believes that despite their common activities, they are primarily defined by their religion. Such people will draw sharp boundaries between their own communities and that of others. They will view themselves as utterly different from each other. Such differences might even lead to conflicts. Can such people live together? I believe they can, because despite conflicts, they will invariably find some commonality. Life needs social cooperation; it would come to a standstill if people focussed only on their radical differences rather than on what brings them together. Besides, conflicts need not turn violent. Therefore, on its own, even a sharp boundary between &amp;lsquo;us&amp;rsquo; and &amp;lsquo;them&amp;rsquo; (sharpened religious differences) does not cause lynching that necessarily involves violence.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/the-deep-disturbing-thought-behind-lynchings/article25698786.ece?homepage=true&quot; title=&quot;https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/the-deep-disturbing-thought-behind-lynchings/article25698786.ece?homepage=true&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;&#039;,
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-The Hindu&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;Behind lynching lies the vicious idea that goodness is possessed by one group alone and all others who do not have it or stray from it are enemies to be conquered&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Group violence unleashed upon an alleged transgressor is always spurred by a complex interplay of interest, prejudice and power. The Bulandshahr lynchings of a police officer and a youth were not spontaneous reactions to grave wrongdoing by a hastily assembled crowd.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Let me selectively offer one such explanation for this frightening incident, one that emphasises power. Extreme aggression creates fear in one&amp;rsquo;s opponents as well as in those who refuse to take sides. If so, the Bulandshahr lynchings were intended not only to terrorise a minority &amp;mdash; the alleged cow-slaughterers &amp;mdash; but also those keen to impartially implement the law. The killing of the brave Station House Officer, Subodh Kumar Singh, was meant to instil fear in officers within the state machinery itself. This is a plausible account. But I want to go beyond it and examine the ideological underpinnings of lynching. Since mob lynching is not restricted to any one ideology, I wish to go beneath the surface of ideologies to identify the elementary structure of thought present invariably at their core. What is it? Here is my tentative answer: marked difference between &amp;lsquo;us&amp;rsquo; and &amp;lsquo;them&amp;rsquo;. But even this, stated so simplistically, is an insufficient explanation for lynching. Why?&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;Living with difference&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Consider the following: suppose that you and I are different in one respect, say religion, but not in others. This difference usually implies that you participate in a practice different from mine &amp;mdash; I go to a temple and you to a church. But it does not follow that you and I, despite our religious differences, cannot come together in other respects. After all, those who go to the church or to the temple also speak a language, are citizens of a polity, are part of a family, live in a neighbourhood, have jobs and hobbies, and relate to people around on many other issues. In short, our membership of a religious community is only one among many memberships of several different communities. Invariably, a person has multiple networks or solidarities. So, if Christians are asked whether it is important for Hindus in their midst to go to church, they can easily respond by saying: &amp;ldquo;No, that is exclusive to us and not required for them. They go to the temple.&amp;rdquo; Quite clearly, this &amp;lsquo;us&amp;rsquo; and &amp;lsquo;them&amp;rsquo; discourse is quite harmless. The distinction in this form cannot be the ideological cause of violence against others.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
But now, let us imagine that this religious dimension begins to colour all other dimensions of life. And therefore, religion becomes our dominant or defining feature. Let us say that everyone believes that despite their common activities, they are primarily defined by their religion. Such people will draw sharp boundaries between their own communities and that of others. They will view themselves as utterly different from each other. Such differences might even lead to conflicts. Can such people live together? I believe they can, because despite conflicts, they will invariably find some commonality. Life needs social cooperation; it would come to a standstill if people focussed only on their radical differences rather than on what brings them together. Besides, conflicts need not turn violent. Therefore, on its own, even a sharp boundary between &amp;lsquo;us&amp;rsquo; and &amp;lsquo;them&amp;rsquo; (sharpened religious differences) does not cause lynching that necessarily involves violence.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/the-deep-disturbing-thought-behind-lynchings/article25698786.ece?homepage=true&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;&#039;,
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Behind lynching lies the vicious idea that goodness is possessed by one group alone and all others who do not have it or stray from it are enemies to be conquered

Group violence unleashed upon an alleged transgressor is always...&#039;
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Behind lynching lies the vicious idea that goodness is possessed by one group alone and all others who do not have it or stray from it are enemies to be conquered

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                <strong>The deep, disturbing thought behind lynchings -Rajeev Bhargava</strong></h1>
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                <div align="justify">-The Hindu<br /><br /><em>Behind lynching lies the vicious idea that goodness is possessed by one group alone and all others who do not have it or stray from it are enemies to be conquered<br /></em><br />Group violence unleashed upon an alleged transgressor is always spurred by a complex interplay of interest, prejudice and power. The Bulandshahr lynchings of a police officer and a youth were not spontaneous reactions to grave wrongdoing by a hastily assembled crowd.<br /><br />Let me selectively offer one such explanation for this frightening incident, one that emphasises power. Extreme aggression creates fear in one&rsquo;s opponents as well as in those who refuse to take sides. If so, the Bulandshahr lynchings were intended not only to terrorise a minority &mdash; the alleged cow-slaughterers &mdash; but also those keen to impartially implement the law. The killing of the brave Station House Officer, Subodh Kumar Singh, was meant to instil fear in officers within the state machinery itself. This is a plausible account. But I want to go beyond it and examine the ideological underpinnings of lynching. Since mob lynching is not restricted to any one ideology, I wish to go beneath the surface of ideologies to identify the elementary structure of thought present invariably at their core. What is it? Here is my tentative answer: marked difference between &lsquo;us&rsquo; and &lsquo;them&rsquo;. But even this, stated so simplistically, is an insufficient explanation for lynching. Why?<br /><br /><em>Living with difference<br /></em><br />Consider the following: suppose that you and I are different in one respect, say religion, but not in others. This difference usually implies that you participate in a practice different from mine &mdash; I go to a temple and you to a church. But it does not follow that you and I, despite our religious differences, cannot come together in other respects. After all, those who go to the church or to the temple also speak a language, are citizens of a polity, are part of a family, live in a neighbourhood, have jobs and hobbies, and relate to people around on many other issues. In short, our membership of a religious community is only one among many memberships of several different communities. Invariably, a person has multiple networks or solidarities. So, if Christians are asked whether it is important for Hindus in their midst to go to church, they can easily respond by saying: &ldquo;No, that is exclusive to us and not required for them. They go to the temple.&rdquo; Quite clearly, this &lsquo;us&rsquo; and &lsquo;them&rsquo; discourse is quite harmless. The distinction in this form cannot be the ideological cause of violence against others.<br /><br />But now, let us imagine that this religious dimension begins to colour all other dimensions of life. And therefore, religion becomes our dominant or defining feature. Let us say that everyone believes that despite their common activities, they are primarily defined by their religion. Such people will draw sharp boundaries between their own communities and that of others. They will view themselves as utterly different from each other. Such differences might even lead to conflicts. Can such people live together? I believe they can, because despite conflicts, they will invariably find some commonality. Life needs social cooperation; it would come to a standstill if people focussed only on their radical differences rather than on what brings them together. Besides, conflicts need not turn violent. Therefore, on its own, even a sharp boundary between &lsquo;us&rsquo; and &lsquo;them&rsquo; (sharpened religious differences) does not cause lynching that necessarily involves violence.<br /><br />Please <a href="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/the-deep-disturbing-thought-behind-lynchings/article25698786.ece?homepage=true" title="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/the-deep-disturbing-thought-behind-lynchings/article25698786.ece?homepage=true">click here</a> to read more. <br /></div>               </font>
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-The Hindu<br />
<br />
<em>Behind lynching lies the vicious idea that goodness is possessed by one group alone and all others who do not have it or stray from it are enemies to be conquered<br />
</em><br />
Group violence unleashed upon an alleged transgressor is always spurred by a complex interplay of interest, prejudice and power. The Bulandshahr lynchings of a police officer and a youth were not spontaneous reactions to grave wrongdoing by a hastily assembled crowd.<br />
<br />
Let me selectively offer one such explanation for this frightening incident, one that emphasises power. Extreme aggression creates fear in one&rsquo;s opponents as well as in those who refuse to take sides. If so, the Bulandshahr lynchings were intended not only to terrorise a minority &mdash; the alleged cow-slaughterers &mdash; but also those keen to impartially implement the law. The killing of the brave Station House Officer, Subodh Kumar Singh, was meant to instil fear in officers within the state machinery itself. This is a plausible account. But I want to go beyond it and examine the ideological underpinnings of lynching. Since mob lynching is not restricted to any one ideology, I wish to go beneath the surface of ideologies to identify the elementary structure of thought present invariably at their core. What is it? Here is my tentative answer: marked difference between &lsquo;us&rsquo; and &lsquo;them&rsquo;. But even this, stated so simplistically, is an insufficient explanation for lynching. Why?<br />
<br />
<em>Living with difference<br />
</em><br />
Consider the following: suppose that you and I are different in one respect, say religion, but not in others. This difference usually implies that you participate in a practice different from mine &mdash; I go to a temple and you to a church. But it does not follow that you and I, despite our religious differences, cannot come together in other respects. After all, those who go to the church or to the temple also speak a language, are citizens of a polity, are part of a family, live in a neighbourhood, have jobs and hobbies, and relate to people around on many other issues. In short, our membership of a religious community is only one among many memberships of several different communities. Invariably, a person has multiple networks or solidarities. So, if Christians are asked whether it is important for Hindus in their midst to go to church, they can easily respond by saying: &ldquo;No, that is exclusive to us and not required for them. They go to the temple.&rdquo; Quite clearly, this &lsquo;us&rsquo; and &lsquo;them&rsquo; discourse is quite harmless. The distinction in this form cannot be the ideological cause of violence against others.<br />
<br />
But now, let us imagine that this religious dimension begins to colour all other dimensions of life. And therefore, religion becomes our dominant or defining feature. Let us say that everyone believes that despite their common activities, they are primarily defined by their religion. Such people will draw sharp boundaries between their own communities and that of others. They will view themselves as utterly different from each other. Such differences might even lead to conflicts. Can such people live together? I believe they can, because despite conflicts, they will invariably find some commonality. Life needs social cooperation; it would come to a standstill if people focussed only on their radical differences rather than on what brings them together. Besides, conflicts need not turn violent. Therefore, on its own, even a sharp boundary between &lsquo;us&rsquo; and &lsquo;them&rsquo; (sharpened religious differences) does not cause lynching that necessarily involves violence.<br />
<br />
Please <a href="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/the-deep-disturbing-thought-behind-lynchings/article25698786.ece?homepage=true">click here</a> to read more. <br />
</div>',
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-The Hindu

Behind lynching lies the vicious idea that goodness is possessed by one group alone and all others who do not have it or stray from it are enemies to be conquered

Group violence unleashed upon an alleged transgressor is always...',
	'disp' => '<div align="justify">-The Hindu<br /><br /><em>Behind lynching lies the vicious idea that goodness is possessed by one group alone and all others who do not have it or stray from it are enemies to be conquered<br /></em><br />Group violence unleashed upon an alleged transgressor is always spurred by a complex interplay of interest, prejudice and power. The Bulandshahr lynchings of a police officer and a youth were not spontaneous reactions to grave wrongdoing by a hastily assembled crowd.<br /><br />Let me selectively offer one such explanation for this frightening incident, one that emphasises power. Extreme aggression creates fear in one&rsquo;s opponents as well as in those who refuse to take sides. If so, the Bulandshahr lynchings were intended not only to terrorise a minority &mdash; the alleged cow-slaughterers &mdash; but also those keen to impartially implement the law. The killing of the brave Station House Officer, Subodh Kumar Singh, was meant to instil fear in officers within the state machinery itself. This is a plausible account. But I want to go beyond it and examine the ideological underpinnings of lynching. Since mob lynching is not restricted to any one ideology, I wish to go beneath the surface of ideologies to identify the elementary structure of thought present invariably at their core. What is it? Here is my tentative answer: marked difference between &lsquo;us&rsquo; and &lsquo;them&rsquo;. But even this, stated so simplistically, is an insufficient explanation for lynching. Why?<br /><br /><em>Living with difference<br /></em><br />Consider the following: suppose that you and I are different in one respect, say religion, but not in others. This difference usually implies that you participate in a practice different from mine &mdash; I go to a temple and you to a church. But it does not follow that you and I, despite our religious differences, cannot come together in other respects. After all, those who go to the church or to the temple also speak a language, are citizens of a polity, are part of a family, live in a neighbourhood, have jobs and hobbies, and relate to people around on many other issues. In short, our membership of a religious community is only one among many memberships of several different communities. Invariably, a person has multiple networks or solidarities. So, if Christians are asked whether it is important for Hindus in their midst to go to church, they can easily respond by saying: &ldquo;No, that is exclusive to us and not required for them. They go to the temple.&rdquo; Quite clearly, this &lsquo;us&rsquo; and &lsquo;them&rsquo; discourse is quite harmless. The distinction in this form cannot be the ideological cause of violence against others.<br /><br />But now, let us imagine that this religious dimension begins to colour all other dimensions of life. And therefore, religion becomes our dominant or defining feature. Let us say that everyone believes that despite their common activities, they are primarily defined by their religion. Such people will draw sharp boundaries between their own communities and that of others. They will view themselves as utterly different from each other. Such differences might even lead to conflicts. Can such people live together? I believe they can, because despite conflicts, they will invariably find some commonality. Life needs social cooperation; it would come to a standstill if people focussed only on their radical differences rather than on what brings them together. Besides, conflicts need not turn violent. Therefore, on its own, even a sharp boundary between &lsquo;us&rsquo; and &lsquo;them&rsquo; (sharpened religious differences) does not cause lynching that necessarily involves violence.<br /><br />Please <a href="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/the-deep-disturbing-thought-behind-lynchings/article25698786.ece?homepage=true" title="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/the-deep-disturbing-thought-behind-lynchings/article25698786.ece?homepage=true">click here</a> to read more. <br /></div>',
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	'title' => 'The deep, disturbing thought behind lynchings -Rajeev Bhargava',
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-The Hindu<br />
<br />
<em>Behind lynching lies the vicious idea that goodness is possessed by one group alone and all others who do not have it or stray from it are enemies to be conquered<br />
</em><br />
Group violence unleashed upon an alleged transgressor is always spurred by a complex interplay of interest, prejudice and power. The Bulandshahr lynchings of a police officer and a youth were not spontaneous reactions to grave wrongdoing by a hastily assembled crowd.<br />
<br />
Let me selectively offer one such explanation for this frightening incident, one that emphasises power. Extreme aggression creates fear in one&rsquo;s opponents as well as in those who refuse to take sides. If so, the Bulandshahr lynchings were intended not only to terrorise a minority &mdash; the alleged cow-slaughterers &mdash; but also those keen to impartially implement the law. The killing of the brave Station House Officer, Subodh Kumar Singh, was meant to instil fear in officers within the state machinery itself. This is a plausible account. But I want to go beyond it and examine the ideological underpinnings of lynching. Since mob lynching is not restricted to any one ideology, I wish to go beneath the surface of ideologies to identify the elementary structure of thought present invariably at their core. What is it? Here is my tentative answer: marked difference between &lsquo;us&rsquo; and &lsquo;them&rsquo;. But even this, stated so simplistically, is an insufficient explanation for lynching. Why?<br />
<br />
<em>Living with difference<br />
</em><br />
Consider the following: suppose that you and I are different in one respect, say religion, but not in others. This difference usually implies that you participate in a practice different from mine &mdash; I go to a temple and you to a church. But it does not follow that you and I, despite our religious differences, cannot come together in other respects. After all, those who go to the church or to the temple also speak a language, are citizens of a polity, are part of a family, live in a neighbourhood, have jobs and hobbies, and relate to people around on many other issues. In short, our membership of a religious community is only one among many memberships of several different communities. Invariably, a person has multiple networks or solidarities. So, if Christians are asked whether it is important for Hindus in their midst to go to church, they can easily respond by saying: &ldquo;No, that is exclusive to us and not required for them. They go to the temple.&rdquo; Quite clearly, this &lsquo;us&rsquo; and &lsquo;them&rsquo; discourse is quite harmless. The distinction in this form cannot be the ideological cause of violence against others.<br />
<br />
But now, let us imagine that this religious dimension begins to colour all other dimensions of life. And therefore, religion becomes our dominant or defining feature. Let us say that everyone believes that despite their common activities, they are primarily defined by their religion. Such people will draw sharp boundaries between their own communities and that of others. They will view themselves as utterly different from each other. Such differences might even lead to conflicts. Can such people live together? I believe they can, because despite conflicts, they will invariably find some commonality. Life needs social cooperation; it would come to a standstill if people focussed only on their radical differences rather than on what brings them together. Besides, conflicts need not turn violent. Therefore, on its own, even a sharp boundary between &lsquo;us&rsquo; and &lsquo;them&rsquo; (sharpened religious differences) does not cause lynching that necessarily involves violence.<br />
<br />
Please <a href="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/the-deep-disturbing-thought-behind-lynchings/article25698786.ece?homepage=true">click here</a> to read more. <br />
</div>',
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-The Hindu

Behind lynching lies the vicious idea that goodness is possessed by one group alone and all others who do not have it or stray from it are enemies to be conquered

Group violence unleashed upon an alleged transgressor is always...'
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The deep, disturbing thought behind lynchings -Rajeev Bhargava

-The Hindu Behind lynching lies the vicious idea that goodness is possessed by one group alone and all others who do not have it or stray from it are enemies to be conquered Group violence unleashed upon an alleged transgressor is always spurred by a complex interplay of interest, prejudice and power. The Bulandshahr lynchings of a police officer and a youth were not spontaneous reactions to grave wrongdoing by a hastily assembled crowd. Let me selectively offer one such explanation for this frightening incident, one that emphasises power. Extreme aggression creates fear in one’s opponents as well as in those who refuse to take sides. If so, the Bulandshahr lynchings were intended not only to terrorise a minority — the alleged cow-slaughterers — but also those keen to impartially implement the law. The killing of the brave Station House Officer, Subodh Kumar Singh, was meant to instil fear in officers within the state machinery itself. This is a plausible account. But I want to go beyond it and examine the ideological underpinnings of lynching. Since mob lynching is not restricted to any one ideology, I wish to go beneath the surface of ideologies to identify the elementary structure of thought present invariably at their core. What is it? Here is my tentative answer: marked difference between ‘us’ and ‘them’. But even this, stated so simplistically, is an insufficient explanation for lynching. Why? Living with difference Consider the following: suppose that you and I are different in one respect, say religion, but not in others. This difference usually implies that you participate in a practice different from mine — I go to a temple and you to a church. But it does not follow that you and I, despite our religious differences, cannot come together in other respects. After all, those who go to the church or to the temple also speak a language, are citizens of a polity, are part of a family, live in a neighbourhood, have jobs and hobbies, and relate to people around on many other issues. In short, our membership of a religious community is only one among many memberships of several different communities. Invariably, a person has multiple networks or solidarities. So, if Christians are asked whether it is important for Hindus in their midst to go to church, they can easily respond by saying: “No, that is exclusive to us and not required for them. They go to the temple.” Quite clearly, this ‘us’ and ‘them’ discourse is quite harmless. The distinction in this form cannot be the ideological cause of violence against others. But now, let us imagine that this religious dimension begins to colour all other dimensions of life. And therefore, religion becomes our dominant or defining feature. Let us say that everyone believes that despite their common activities, they are primarily defined by their religion. Such people will draw sharp boundaries between their own communities and that of others. They will view themselves as utterly different from each other. Such differences might even lead to conflicts. Can such people live together? I believe they can, because despite conflicts, they will invariably find some commonality. Life needs social cooperation; it would come to a standstill if people focussed only on their radical differences rather than on what brings them together. Besides, conflicts need not turn violent. Therefore, on its own, even a sharp boundary between ‘us’ and ‘them’ (sharpened religious differences) does not cause lynching that necessarily involves violence. Please click here to read more.