Deprecated (16384): The ArrayAccess methods will be removed in 4.0.0.Use getParam(), getData() and getQuery() instead. - /home/brlfuser/public_html/src/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line: 73
 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php. [CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311]
Code Context


        trigger_error($message, E_USER_DEPRECATED);

    }
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 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php.'
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deprecationWarning - CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311
Cake\Http\ServerRequest::offsetGet() - CORE/src/Http/ServerRequest.php, line 2421
App\Controller\ArtileDetailController::printArticle() - APP/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line 73
Cake\Controller\Controller::invokeAction() - CORE/src/Controller/Controller.php, line 610
Cake\Http\ActionDispatcher::_invoke() - CORE/src/Http/ActionDispatcher.php, line 120
Cake\Http\ActionDispatcher::dispatch() - CORE/src/Http/ActionDispatcher.php, line 94
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Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
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Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Routing\Middleware\AssetMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Routing/Middleware/AssetMiddleware.php, line 88
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Error\Middleware\ErrorHandlerMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Error/Middleware/ErrorHandlerMiddleware.php, line 96
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Http\Runner::run() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 51
Cake\Http\Server::run() - CORE/src/Http/Server.php, line 98

Deprecated (16384): The ArrayAccess methods will be removed in 4.0.0.Use getParam(), getData() and getQuery() instead. - /home/brlfuser/public_html/src/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line: 74
 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php. [CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311]
Code Context


        trigger_error($message, E_USER_DEPRECATED);

    }
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 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php.'
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deprecationWarning - CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311
Cake\Http\ServerRequest::offsetGet() - CORE/src/Http/ServerRequest.php, line 2421
App\Controller\ArtileDetailController::printArticle() - APP/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line 74
Cake\Controller\Controller::invokeAction() - CORE/src/Controller/Controller.php, line 610
Cake\Http\ActionDispatcher::_invoke() - CORE/src/Http/ActionDispatcher.php, line 120
Cake\Http\ActionDispatcher::dispatch() - CORE/src/Http/ActionDispatcher.php, line 94
Cake\Http\BaseApplication::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/BaseApplication.php, line 235
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Routing\Middleware\RoutingMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Routing/Middleware/RoutingMiddleware.php, line 162
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Routing\Middleware\AssetMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Routing/Middleware/AssetMiddleware.php, line 88
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Error\Middleware\ErrorHandlerMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Error/Middleware/ErrorHandlerMiddleware.php, line 96
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Http\Runner::run() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 51
Cake\Http\Server::run() - CORE/src/Http/Server.php, line 98

Warning (512): Unable to emit headers. Headers sent in file=/home/brlfuser/public_html/vendor/cakephp/cakephp/src/Error/Debugger.php line=853 [CORE/src/Http/ResponseEmitter.php, line 48]
Code Context
            if (Configure::read('debug')) {

                trigger_error($message, E_USER_WARNING);

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    <link rel="canonical" href="https://im4change.in/<pre class="cake-error"><a href="javascript:void(0);" onclick="document.getElementById('cakeErr68024fc3dffba-trace').style.display = (document.getElementById('cakeErr68024fc3dffba-trace').style.display == 'none' ? '' : 'none');"><b>Notice</b> (8)</a>: Undefined variable: urlPrefix [<b>APP/Template/Layout/printlayout.ctp</b>, line <b>8</b>]<div id="cakeErr68024fc3dffba-trace" class="cake-stack-trace" style="display: none;"><a href="javascript:void(0);" onclick="document.getElementById('cakeErr68024fc3dffba-code').style.display = (document.getElementById('cakeErr68024fc3dffba-code').style.display == 'none' ? '' : 'none')">Code</a> <a href="javascript:void(0);" onclick="document.getElementById('cakeErr68024fc3dffba-context').style.display = (document.getElementById('cakeErr68024fc3dffba-context').style.display == 'none' ? '' : 'none')">Context</a><pre id="cakeErr68024fc3dffba-code" class="cake-code-dump" style="display: none;"><code><span style="color: #000000"><span style="color: #0000BB"></span><span style="color: #007700">&lt;</span><span style="color: #0000BB">head</span><span style="color: #007700">&gt;
</span></span></code>
<span class="code-highlight"><code><span style="color: #000000">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&lt;link&nbsp;rel="canonical"&nbsp;href="<span style="color: #0000BB">&lt;?php&nbsp;</span><span style="color: #007700">echo&nbsp;</span><span style="color: #0000BB">Configure</span><span style="color: #007700">::</span><span style="color: #0000BB">read</span><span style="color: #007700">(</span><span style="color: #DD0000">'SITE_URL'</span><span style="color: #007700">);&nbsp;</span><span style="color: #0000BB">?&gt;&lt;?php&nbsp;</span><span style="color: #007700">echo&nbsp;</span><span style="color: #0000BB">$urlPrefix</span><span style="color: #007700">;</span><span style="color: #0000BB">?&gt;&lt;?php&nbsp;</span><span style="color: #007700">echo&nbsp;</span><span style="color: #0000BB">$article_current</span><span style="color: #007700">-&gt;</span><span style="color: #0000BB">category</span><span style="color: #007700">-&gt;</span><span style="color: #0000BB">slug</span><span style="color: #007700">;&nbsp;</span><span style="color: #0000BB">?&gt;</span>/<span style="color: #0000BB">&lt;?php&nbsp;</span><span style="color: #007700">echo&nbsp;</span><span style="color: #0000BB">$article_current</span><span style="color: #007700">-&gt;</span><span style="color: #0000BB">seo_url</span><span style="color: #007700">;&nbsp;</span><span style="color: #0000BB">?&gt;</span>.html"/&gt;
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</span></span></code></pre><pre id="cakeErr68024fc3dffba-context" class="cake-context" style="display: none;">$viewFile = &#039;/home/brlfuser/public_html/src/Template/Layout/printlayout.ctp&#039;
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-DNA &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
The political funding reforms are an embarrassment to India&amp;rsquo;s claims of heralding a transparency revolution &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Following Prime Minister Narendra Modi&amp;rsquo;s demonetization drive and his expressed desire to bring transparency in political funding, there were expectations of more concrete measures to cleanse the Augean stables of Indian politics. The government responded quickly, albeit through the Finance Bill. For the first time, the Union Budget 2017 devoted a full section (420 words) on electoral funding reforms. Yet, if these proposals, including the last-minute changes made in the Finance Bill, are critically evaluated, they come as a great disappointment. First, take a close look at some of the key announcements to improve transparency in electoral funding. It is well known that a mammoth 75-80 per cent of funding for political parties come from unknown sources. The government claims that steps like the reduction of cash contribution from Rs 20,000 to Rs 2,000 and issuance of electoral bonds using cheque and digital payments would end such opacity in political donation. In reality, both measures have anonymity inbuilt in them. Transparency will remain a far cry as neither tax officials nor the Election Commission would know the actual sources of funding, let alone the public.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Second and the most worrisome steps are the changes made to the Companies Act. Earlier, through the electoral trusts, private companies were allowed to donate up to 7.5 per cent in the net profit in three financial years to political parties. The Finance Bill that introduced amendments to the Companies Act removed the &amp;ldquo;carefully thought-about limits&amp;rdquo; on corporate donations. What is even worrisome is the removal of the earlier requirement of an enterprise disclosing the name of the political entity to which the contribution was made. Thus, at one stroke the government has opened the floodgates for special interest groups and corporate lobbyists to influence the country&amp;rsquo;s democratic politics.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
While the government might be genuinely interested in expanding the supply of &amp;lsquo;white money as often claimed by the finance minister, allowing unlimited corporate donations (where the company is under no obligation to reveal the name of the party to which donation was made) can prove disastrous for the country&amp;rsquo;s body polity. The budgetary measures on electoral trusts are akin to the Citizens United of the United States. The 2010 ruling of the United States Supreme Court, which removed the restrictions of corporate donations on the basis of First Amendment that guarantees free speech, opened the floodgates for big businesses, mainly pharma, arms companies, oil and insurance mafia, to fix candidates and shell out millions for candidates to back their causes. India is not immune to such pernicious influence. As vividly captured in the Radia tapes and a series of high- profile scams and scandals ,notably 2G and Coalgate, quid pro quo is becoming a norm, not an exception.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Please &lt;a href=&quot;http://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-the-great-finance-bill-trick-2369565&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. 
&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;
&amp;nbsp;
&lt;/div&gt;&#039;,
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-DNA 

The political funding reforms are an embarrassment to India&amp;rsquo;s claims of heralding a transparency revolution 

Following Prime Minister Narendra Modi&amp;rsquo;s demonetization drive and his expressed desire to bring transparency in political funding, there were expectations of more concrete measures...&#039;,
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-DNA &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
The political funding reforms are an embarrassment to India&amp;rsquo;s claims of heralding a transparency revolution &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Following Prime Minister Narendra Modi&amp;rsquo;s demonetization drive and his expressed desire to bring transparency in political funding, there were expectations of more concrete measures to cleanse the Augean stables of Indian politics. The government responded quickly, albeit through the Finance Bill. For the first time, the Union Budget 2017 devoted a full section (420 words) on electoral funding reforms. Yet, if these proposals, including the last-minute changes made in the Finance Bill, are critically evaluated, they come as a great disappointment. First, take a close look at some of the key announcements to improve transparency in electoral funding. It is well known that a mammoth 75-80 per cent of funding for political parties come from unknown sources. The government claims that steps like the reduction of cash contribution from Rs 20,000 to Rs 2,000 and issuance of electoral bonds using cheque and digital payments would end such opacity in political donation. In reality, both measures have anonymity inbuilt in them. Transparency will remain a far cry as neither tax officials nor the Election Commission would know the actual sources of funding, let alone the public.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Second and the most worrisome steps are the changes made to the Companies Act. Earlier, through the electoral trusts, private companies were allowed to donate up to 7.5 per cent in the net profit in three financial years to political parties. The Finance Bill that introduced amendments to the Companies Act removed the &amp;ldquo;carefully thought-about limits&amp;rdquo; on corporate donations. What is even worrisome is the removal of the earlier requirement of an enterprise disclosing the name of the political entity to which the contribution was made. Thus, at one stroke the government has opened the floodgates for special interest groups and corporate lobbyists to influence the country&amp;rsquo;s democratic politics.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
While the government might be genuinely interested in expanding the supply of &amp;lsquo;white money as often claimed by the finance minister, allowing unlimited corporate donations (where the company is under no obligation to reveal the name of the party to which donation was made) can prove disastrous for the country&amp;rsquo;s body polity. The budgetary measures on electoral trusts are akin to the Citizens United of the United States. The 2010 ruling of the United States Supreme Court, which removed the restrictions of corporate donations on the basis of First Amendment that guarantees free speech, opened the floodgates for big businesses, mainly pharma, arms companies, oil and insurance mafia, to fix candidates and shell out millions for candidates to back their causes. India is not immune to such pernicious influence. As vividly captured in the Radia tapes and a series of high- profile scams and scandals ,notably 2G and Coalgate, quid pro quo is becoming a norm, not an exception.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Please &lt;a href=&quot;http://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-the-great-finance-bill-trick-2369565&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. 
&lt;/div&gt;
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The political funding reforms are an embarrassment to India&amp;rsquo;s claims of heralding a transparency revolution 

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Cake\View\View::renderLayout() - CORE/src/View/View.php, line 927
Cake\View\View::render() - CORE/src/View/View.php, line 885
Cake\Controller\Controller::render() - CORE/src/Controller/Controller.php, line 791
Cake\Http\ActionDispatcher::_invoke() - CORE/src/Http/ActionDispatcher.php, line 126
Cake\Http\ActionDispatcher::dispatch() - CORE/src/Http/ActionDispatcher.php, line 94
Cake\Http\BaseApplication::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/BaseApplication.php, line 235
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Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Http\Runner::run() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 51</pre></div></pre>latest-news-updates/the-great-finance-bill-trick-niranjan-sahoo-4681490.html"/>
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-DNA 

The political funding reforms are an embarrassment to India&rsquo;s claims of heralding a transparency revolution 

Following Prime Minister Narendra Modi&rsquo;s demonetization drive and his expressed desire to bring transparency in political funding, there were expectations of more concrete measures..."/>
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                <strong>The great Finance Bill trick -Niranjan Sahoo</strong></h1>
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                <div align="justify">-DNA <br /><em><br />The political funding reforms are an embarrassment to India&rsquo;s claims of heralding a transparency revolution <br /></em><br />Following Prime Minister Narendra Modi&rsquo;s demonetization drive and his expressed desire to bring transparency in political funding, there were expectations of more concrete measures to cleanse the Augean stables of Indian politics. The government responded quickly, albeit through the Finance Bill. For the first time, the Union Budget 2017 devoted a full section (420 words) on electoral funding reforms. Yet, if these proposals, including the last-minute changes made in the Finance Bill, are critically evaluated, they come as a great disappointment. First, take a close look at some of the key announcements to improve transparency in electoral funding. It is well known that a mammoth 75-80 per cent of funding for political parties come from unknown sources. The government claims that steps like the reduction of cash contribution from Rs 20,000 to Rs 2,000 and issuance of electoral bonds using cheque and digital payments would end such opacity in political donation. In reality, both measures have anonymity inbuilt in them. Transparency will remain a far cry as neither tax officials nor the Election Commission would know the actual sources of funding, let alone the public.<br /><br />Second and the most worrisome steps are the changes made to the Companies Act. Earlier, through the electoral trusts, private companies were allowed to donate up to 7.5 per cent in the net profit in three financial years to political parties. The Finance Bill that introduced amendments to the Companies Act removed the &ldquo;carefully thought-about limits&rdquo; on corporate donations. What is even worrisome is the removal of the earlier requirement of an enterprise disclosing the name of the political entity to which the contribution was made. Thus, at one stroke the government has opened the floodgates for special interest groups and corporate lobbyists to influence the country&rsquo;s democratic politics.<br /><br />While the government might be genuinely interested in expanding the supply of &lsquo;white money as often claimed by the finance minister, allowing unlimited corporate donations (where the company is under no obligation to reveal the name of the party to which donation was made) can prove disastrous for the country&rsquo;s body polity. The budgetary measures on electoral trusts are akin to the Citizens United of the United States. The 2010 ruling of the United States Supreme Court, which removed the restrictions of corporate donations on the basis of First Amendment that guarantees free speech, opened the floodgates for big businesses, mainly pharma, arms companies, oil and insurance mafia, to fix candidates and shell out millions for candidates to back their causes. India is not immune to such pernicious influence. As vividly captured in the Radia tapes and a series of high- profile scams and scandals ,notably 2G and Coalgate, quid pro quo is becoming a norm, not an exception.<br /><br />Please <a href="http://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-the-great-finance-bill-trick-2369565" title="http://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-the-great-finance-bill-trick-2369565">click here</a> to read more. </div><div align="justify">&nbsp;</div>               </font>
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    <link rel="canonical" href="https://im4change.in/<pre class="cake-error"><a href="javascript:void(0);" onclick="document.getElementById('cakeErr68024fc3dffba-trace').style.display = (document.getElementById('cakeErr68024fc3dffba-trace').style.display == 'none' ? '' : 'none');"><b>Notice</b> (8)</a>: Undefined variable: urlPrefix [<b>APP/Template/Layout/printlayout.ctp</b>, line <b>8</b>]<div id="cakeErr68024fc3dffba-trace" class="cake-stack-trace" style="display: none;"><a href="javascript:void(0);" onclick="document.getElementById('cakeErr68024fc3dffba-code').style.display = (document.getElementById('cakeErr68024fc3dffba-code').style.display == 'none' ? '' : 'none')">Code</a> <a href="javascript:void(0);" onclick="document.getElementById('cakeErr68024fc3dffba-context').style.display = (document.getElementById('cakeErr68024fc3dffba-context').style.display == 'none' ? '' : 'none')">Context</a><pre id="cakeErr68024fc3dffba-code" class="cake-code-dump" style="display: none;"><code><span style="color: #000000"><span style="color: #0000BB"></span><span style="color: #007700">&lt;</span><span style="color: #0000BB">head</span><span style="color: #007700">&gt;
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-DNA &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
The political funding reforms are an embarrassment to India&amp;rsquo;s claims of heralding a transparency revolution &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Following Prime Minister Narendra Modi&amp;rsquo;s demonetization drive and his expressed desire to bring transparency in political funding, there were expectations of more concrete measures to cleanse the Augean stables of Indian politics. The government responded quickly, albeit through the Finance Bill. For the first time, the Union Budget 2017 devoted a full section (420 words) on electoral funding reforms. Yet, if these proposals, including the last-minute changes made in the Finance Bill, are critically evaluated, they come as a great disappointment. First, take a close look at some of the key announcements to improve transparency in electoral funding. It is well known that a mammoth 75-80 per cent of funding for political parties come from unknown sources. The government claims that steps like the reduction of cash contribution from Rs 20,000 to Rs 2,000 and issuance of electoral bonds using cheque and digital payments would end such opacity in political donation. In reality, both measures have anonymity inbuilt in them. Transparency will remain a far cry as neither tax officials nor the Election Commission would know the actual sources of funding, let alone the public.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Second and the most worrisome steps are the changes made to the Companies Act. Earlier, through the electoral trusts, private companies were allowed to donate up to 7.5 per cent in the net profit in three financial years to political parties. The Finance Bill that introduced amendments to the Companies Act removed the &amp;ldquo;carefully thought-about limits&amp;rdquo; on corporate donations. What is even worrisome is the removal of the earlier requirement of an enterprise disclosing the name of the political entity to which the contribution was made. Thus, at one stroke the government has opened the floodgates for special interest groups and corporate lobbyists to influence the country&amp;rsquo;s democratic politics.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
While the government might be genuinely interested in expanding the supply of &amp;lsquo;white money as often claimed by the finance minister, allowing unlimited corporate donations (where the company is under no obligation to reveal the name of the party to which donation was made) can prove disastrous for the country&amp;rsquo;s body polity. The budgetary measures on electoral trusts are akin to the Citizens United of the United States. The 2010 ruling of the United States Supreme Court, which removed the restrictions of corporate donations on the basis of First Amendment that guarantees free speech, opened the floodgates for big businesses, mainly pharma, arms companies, oil and insurance mafia, to fix candidates and shell out millions for candidates to back their causes. India is not immune to such pernicious influence. As vividly captured in the Radia tapes and a series of high- profile scams and scandals ,notably 2G and Coalgate, quid pro quo is becoming a norm, not an exception.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Please &lt;a href=&quot;http://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-the-great-finance-bill-trick-2369565&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. 
&lt;/div&gt;
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&amp;nbsp;
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The political funding reforms are an embarrassment to India&amp;rsquo;s claims of heralding a transparency revolution 

Following Prime Minister Narendra Modi&amp;rsquo;s demonetization drive and his expressed desire to bring transparency in political funding, there were expectations of more concrete measures...&#039;,
	&#039;disp&#039; =&gt; &#039;&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;-DNA &lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The political funding reforms are an embarrassment to India&amp;rsquo;s claims of heralding a transparency revolution &lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Following Prime Minister Narendra Modi&amp;rsquo;s demonetization drive and his expressed desire to bring transparency in political funding, there were expectations of more concrete measures to cleanse the Augean stables of Indian politics. The government responded quickly, albeit through the Finance Bill. For the first time, the Union Budget 2017 devoted a full section (420 words) on electoral funding reforms. Yet, if these proposals, including the last-minute changes made in the Finance Bill, are critically evaluated, they come as a great disappointment. First, take a close look at some of the key announcements to improve transparency in electoral funding. It is well known that a mammoth 75-80 per cent of funding for political parties come from unknown sources. The government claims that steps like the reduction of cash contribution from Rs 20,000 to Rs 2,000 and issuance of electoral bonds using cheque and digital payments would end such opacity in political donation. In reality, both measures have anonymity inbuilt in them. Transparency will remain a far cry as neither tax officials nor the Election Commission would know the actual sources of funding, let alone the public.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Second and the most worrisome steps are the changes made to the Companies Act. Earlier, through the electoral trusts, private companies were allowed to donate up to 7.5 per cent in the net profit in three financial years to political parties. The Finance Bill that introduced amendments to the Companies Act removed the &amp;ldquo;carefully thought-about limits&amp;rdquo; on corporate donations. What is even worrisome is the removal of the earlier requirement of an enterprise disclosing the name of the political entity to which the contribution was made. Thus, at one stroke the government has opened the floodgates for special interest groups and corporate lobbyists to influence the country&amp;rsquo;s democratic politics.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;While the government might be genuinely interested in expanding the supply of &amp;lsquo;white money as often claimed by the finance minister, allowing unlimited corporate donations (where the company is under no obligation to reveal the name of the party to which donation was made) can prove disastrous for the country&amp;rsquo;s body polity. The budgetary measures on electoral trusts are akin to the Citizens United of the United States. The 2010 ruling of the United States Supreme Court, which removed the restrictions of corporate donations on the basis of First Amendment that guarantees free speech, opened the floodgates for big businesses, mainly pharma, arms companies, oil and insurance mafia, to fix candidates and shell out millions for candidates to back their causes. India is not immune to such pernicious influence. As vividly captured in the Radia tapes and a series of high- profile scams and scandals ,notably 2G and Coalgate, quid pro quo is becoming a norm, not an exception.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Please &lt;a href=&quot;http://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-the-great-finance-bill-trick-2369565&quot; title=&quot;http://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-the-great-finance-bill-trick-2369565&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;/div&gt;&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;&#039;,
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-DNA &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
The political funding reforms are an embarrassment to India&amp;rsquo;s claims of heralding a transparency revolution &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Following Prime Minister Narendra Modi&amp;rsquo;s demonetization drive and his expressed desire to bring transparency in political funding, there were expectations of more concrete measures to cleanse the Augean stables of Indian politics. The government responded quickly, albeit through the Finance Bill. For the first time, the Union Budget 2017 devoted a full section (420 words) on electoral funding reforms. Yet, if these proposals, including the last-minute changes made in the Finance Bill, are critically evaluated, they come as a great disappointment. First, take a close look at some of the key announcements to improve transparency in electoral funding. It is well known that a mammoth 75-80 per cent of funding for political parties come from unknown sources. The government claims that steps like the reduction of cash contribution from Rs 20,000 to Rs 2,000 and issuance of electoral bonds using cheque and digital payments would end such opacity in political donation. In reality, both measures have anonymity inbuilt in them. Transparency will remain a far cry as neither tax officials nor the Election Commission would know the actual sources of funding, let alone the public.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Second and the most worrisome steps are the changes made to the Companies Act. Earlier, through the electoral trusts, private companies were allowed to donate up to 7.5 per cent in the net profit in three financial years to political parties. The Finance Bill that introduced amendments to the Companies Act removed the &amp;ldquo;carefully thought-about limits&amp;rdquo; on corporate donations. What is even worrisome is the removal of the earlier requirement of an enterprise disclosing the name of the political entity to which the contribution was made. Thus, at one stroke the government has opened the floodgates for special interest groups and corporate lobbyists to influence the country&amp;rsquo;s democratic politics.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
While the government might be genuinely interested in expanding the supply of &amp;lsquo;white money as often claimed by the finance minister, allowing unlimited corporate donations (where the company is under no obligation to reveal the name of the party to which donation was made) can prove disastrous for the country&amp;rsquo;s body polity. The budgetary measures on electoral trusts are akin to the Citizens United of the United States. The 2010 ruling of the United States Supreme Court, which removed the restrictions of corporate donations on the basis of First Amendment that guarantees free speech, opened the floodgates for big businesses, mainly pharma, arms companies, oil and insurance mafia, to fix candidates and shell out millions for candidates to back their causes. India is not immune to such pernicious influence. As vividly captured in the Radia tapes and a series of high- profile scams and scandals ,notably 2G and Coalgate, quid pro quo is becoming a norm, not an exception.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Please &lt;a href=&quot;http://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-the-great-finance-bill-trick-2369565&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. 
&lt;/div&gt;
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The political funding reforms are an embarrassment to India&amp;rsquo;s claims of heralding a transparency revolution 

Following Prime Minister Narendra Modi&amp;rsquo;s demonetization drive and his expressed desire to bring transparency in political funding, there were expectations of more concrete measures...&#039;
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The political funding reforms are an embarrassment to India&rsquo;s claims of heralding a transparency revolution 

Following Prime Minister Narendra Modi&rsquo;s demonetization drive and his expressed desire to bring transparency in political funding, there were expectations of more concrete measures..."/>
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                <strong>The great Finance Bill trick -Niranjan Sahoo</strong></h1>
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                <div align="justify">-DNA <br /><em><br />The political funding reforms are an embarrassment to India&rsquo;s claims of heralding a transparency revolution <br /></em><br />Following Prime Minister Narendra Modi&rsquo;s demonetization drive and his expressed desire to bring transparency in political funding, there were expectations of more concrete measures to cleanse the Augean stables of Indian politics. The government responded quickly, albeit through the Finance Bill. For the first time, the Union Budget 2017 devoted a full section (420 words) on electoral funding reforms. Yet, if these proposals, including the last-minute changes made in the Finance Bill, are critically evaluated, they come as a great disappointment. First, take a close look at some of the key announcements to improve transparency in electoral funding. It is well known that a mammoth 75-80 per cent of funding for political parties come from unknown sources. The government claims that steps like the reduction of cash contribution from Rs 20,000 to Rs 2,000 and issuance of electoral bonds using cheque and digital payments would end such opacity in political donation. In reality, both measures have anonymity inbuilt in them. Transparency will remain a far cry as neither tax officials nor the Election Commission would know the actual sources of funding, let alone the public.<br /><br />Second and the most worrisome steps are the changes made to the Companies Act. Earlier, through the electoral trusts, private companies were allowed to donate up to 7.5 per cent in the net profit in three financial years to political parties. The Finance Bill that introduced amendments to the Companies Act removed the &ldquo;carefully thought-about limits&rdquo; on corporate donations. What is even worrisome is the removal of the earlier requirement of an enterprise disclosing the name of the political entity to which the contribution was made. Thus, at one stroke the government has opened the floodgates for special interest groups and corporate lobbyists to influence the country&rsquo;s democratic politics.<br /><br />While the government might be genuinely interested in expanding the supply of &lsquo;white money as often claimed by the finance minister, allowing unlimited corporate donations (where the company is under no obligation to reveal the name of the party to which donation was made) can prove disastrous for the country&rsquo;s body polity. The budgetary measures on electoral trusts are akin to the Citizens United of the United States. The 2010 ruling of the United States Supreme Court, which removed the restrictions of corporate donations on the basis of First Amendment that guarantees free speech, opened the floodgates for big businesses, mainly pharma, arms companies, oil and insurance mafia, to fix candidates and shell out millions for candidates to back their causes. India is not immune to such pernicious influence. As vividly captured in the Radia tapes and a series of high- profile scams and scandals ,notably 2G and Coalgate, quid pro quo is becoming a norm, not an exception.<br /><br />Please <a href="http://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-the-great-finance-bill-trick-2369565" title="http://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-the-great-finance-bill-trick-2369565">click here</a> to read more. </div><div align="justify">&nbsp;</div>               </font>
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-DNA &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
The political funding reforms are an embarrassment to India&amp;rsquo;s claims of heralding a transparency revolution &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Following Prime Minister Narendra Modi&amp;rsquo;s demonetization drive and his expressed desire to bring transparency in political funding, there were expectations of more concrete measures to cleanse the Augean stables of Indian politics. The government responded quickly, albeit through the Finance Bill. For the first time, the Union Budget 2017 devoted a full section (420 words) on electoral funding reforms. Yet, if these proposals, including the last-minute changes made in the Finance Bill, are critically evaluated, they come as a great disappointment. First, take a close look at some of the key announcements to improve transparency in electoral funding. It is well known that a mammoth 75-80 per cent of funding for political parties come from unknown sources. The government claims that steps like the reduction of cash contribution from Rs 20,000 to Rs 2,000 and issuance of electoral bonds using cheque and digital payments would end such opacity in political donation. In reality, both measures have anonymity inbuilt in them. Transparency will remain a far cry as neither tax officials nor the Election Commission would know the actual sources of funding, let alone the public.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Second and the most worrisome steps are the changes made to the Companies Act. Earlier, through the electoral trusts, private companies were allowed to donate up to 7.5 per cent in the net profit in three financial years to political parties. The Finance Bill that introduced amendments to the Companies Act removed the &amp;ldquo;carefully thought-about limits&amp;rdquo; on corporate donations. What is even worrisome is the removal of the earlier requirement of an enterprise disclosing the name of the political entity to which the contribution was made. Thus, at one stroke the government has opened the floodgates for special interest groups and corporate lobbyists to influence the country&amp;rsquo;s democratic politics.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
While the government might be genuinely interested in expanding the supply of &amp;lsquo;white money as often claimed by the finance minister, allowing unlimited corporate donations (where the company is under no obligation to reveal the name of the party to which donation was made) can prove disastrous for the country&amp;rsquo;s body polity. The budgetary measures on electoral trusts are akin to the Citizens United of the United States. The 2010 ruling of the United States Supreme Court, which removed the restrictions of corporate donations on the basis of First Amendment that guarantees free speech, opened the floodgates for big businesses, mainly pharma, arms companies, oil and insurance mafia, to fix candidates and shell out millions for candidates to back their causes. India is not immune to such pernicious influence. As vividly captured in the Radia tapes and a series of high- profile scams and scandals ,notably 2G and Coalgate, quid pro quo is becoming a norm, not an exception.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Please &lt;a href=&quot;http://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-the-great-finance-bill-trick-2369565&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. 
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The political funding reforms are an embarrassment to India&amp;rsquo;s claims of heralding a transparency revolution 

Following Prime Minister Narendra Modi&amp;rsquo;s demonetization drive and his expressed desire to bring transparency in political funding, there were expectations of more concrete measures...&#039;,
	&#039;disp&#039; =&gt; &#039;&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;-DNA &lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The political funding reforms are an embarrassment to India&amp;rsquo;s claims of heralding a transparency revolution &lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Following Prime Minister Narendra Modi&amp;rsquo;s demonetization drive and his expressed desire to bring transparency in political funding, there were expectations of more concrete measures to cleanse the Augean stables of Indian politics. The government responded quickly, albeit through the Finance Bill. For the first time, the Union Budget 2017 devoted a full section (420 words) on electoral funding reforms. Yet, if these proposals, including the last-minute changes made in the Finance Bill, are critically evaluated, they come as a great disappointment. First, take a close look at some of the key announcements to improve transparency in electoral funding. It is well known that a mammoth 75-80 per cent of funding for political parties come from unknown sources. The government claims that steps like the reduction of cash contribution from Rs 20,000 to Rs 2,000 and issuance of electoral bonds using cheque and digital payments would end such opacity in political donation. In reality, both measures have anonymity inbuilt in them. Transparency will remain a far cry as neither tax officials nor the Election Commission would know the actual sources of funding, let alone the public.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Second and the most worrisome steps are the changes made to the Companies Act. Earlier, through the electoral trusts, private companies were allowed to donate up to 7.5 per cent in the net profit in three financial years to political parties. The Finance Bill that introduced amendments to the Companies Act removed the &amp;ldquo;carefully thought-about limits&amp;rdquo; on corporate donations. What is even worrisome is the removal of the earlier requirement of an enterprise disclosing the name of the political entity to which the contribution was made. Thus, at one stroke the government has opened the floodgates for special interest groups and corporate lobbyists to influence the country&amp;rsquo;s democratic politics.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;While the government might be genuinely interested in expanding the supply of &amp;lsquo;white money as often claimed by the finance minister, allowing unlimited corporate donations (where the company is under no obligation to reveal the name of the party to which donation was made) can prove disastrous for the country&amp;rsquo;s body polity. The budgetary measures on electoral trusts are akin to the Citizens United of the United States. The 2010 ruling of the United States Supreme Court, which removed the restrictions of corporate donations on the basis of First Amendment that guarantees free speech, opened the floodgates for big businesses, mainly pharma, arms companies, oil and insurance mafia, to fix candidates and shell out millions for candidates to back their causes. India is not immune to such pernicious influence. As vividly captured in the Radia tapes and a series of high- profile scams and scandals ,notably 2G and Coalgate, quid pro quo is becoming a norm, not an exception.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Please &lt;a href=&quot;http://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-the-great-finance-bill-trick-2369565&quot; title=&quot;http://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-the-great-finance-bill-trick-2369565&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;/div&gt;&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;&#039;,
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-DNA &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
The political funding reforms are an embarrassment to India&amp;rsquo;s claims of heralding a transparency revolution &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Following Prime Minister Narendra Modi&amp;rsquo;s demonetization drive and his expressed desire to bring transparency in political funding, there were expectations of more concrete measures to cleanse the Augean stables of Indian politics. The government responded quickly, albeit through the Finance Bill. For the first time, the Union Budget 2017 devoted a full section (420 words) on electoral funding reforms. Yet, if these proposals, including the last-minute changes made in the Finance Bill, are critically evaluated, they come as a great disappointment. First, take a close look at some of the key announcements to improve transparency in electoral funding. It is well known that a mammoth 75-80 per cent of funding for political parties come from unknown sources. The government claims that steps like the reduction of cash contribution from Rs 20,000 to Rs 2,000 and issuance of electoral bonds using cheque and digital payments would end such opacity in political donation. In reality, both measures have anonymity inbuilt in them. Transparency will remain a far cry as neither tax officials nor the Election Commission would know the actual sources of funding, let alone the public.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Second and the most worrisome steps are the changes made to the Companies Act. Earlier, through the electoral trusts, private companies were allowed to donate up to 7.5 per cent in the net profit in three financial years to political parties. The Finance Bill that introduced amendments to the Companies Act removed the &amp;ldquo;carefully thought-about limits&amp;rdquo; on corporate donations. What is even worrisome is the removal of the earlier requirement of an enterprise disclosing the name of the political entity to which the contribution was made. Thus, at one stroke the government has opened the floodgates for special interest groups and corporate lobbyists to influence the country&amp;rsquo;s democratic politics.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
While the government might be genuinely interested in expanding the supply of &amp;lsquo;white money as often claimed by the finance minister, allowing unlimited corporate donations (where the company is under no obligation to reveal the name of the party to which donation was made) can prove disastrous for the country&amp;rsquo;s body polity. The budgetary measures on electoral trusts are akin to the Citizens United of the United States. The 2010 ruling of the United States Supreme Court, which removed the restrictions of corporate donations on the basis of First Amendment that guarantees free speech, opened the floodgates for big businesses, mainly pharma, arms companies, oil and insurance mafia, to fix candidates and shell out millions for candidates to back their causes. India is not immune to such pernicious influence. As vividly captured in the Radia tapes and a series of high- profile scams and scandals ,notably 2G and Coalgate, quid pro quo is becoming a norm, not an exception.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Please &lt;a href=&quot;http://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-the-great-finance-bill-trick-2369565&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. 
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-DNA 

The political funding reforms are an embarrassment to India&amp;rsquo;s claims of heralding a transparency revolution 

Following Prime Minister Narendra Modi&amp;rsquo;s demonetization drive and his expressed desire to bring transparency in political funding, there were expectations of more concrete measures...&#039;
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The political funding reforms are an embarrassment to India&rsquo;s claims of heralding a transparency revolution 

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                <strong>The great Finance Bill trick -Niranjan Sahoo</strong></h1>
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                <div align="justify">-DNA <br /><em><br />The political funding reforms are an embarrassment to India&rsquo;s claims of heralding a transparency revolution <br /></em><br />Following Prime Minister Narendra Modi&rsquo;s demonetization drive and his expressed desire to bring transparency in political funding, there were expectations of more concrete measures to cleanse the Augean stables of Indian politics. The government responded quickly, albeit through the Finance Bill. For the first time, the Union Budget 2017 devoted a full section (420 words) on electoral funding reforms. Yet, if these proposals, including the last-minute changes made in the Finance Bill, are critically evaluated, they come as a great disappointment. First, take a close look at some of the key announcements to improve transparency in electoral funding. It is well known that a mammoth 75-80 per cent of funding for political parties come from unknown sources. The government claims that steps like the reduction of cash contribution from Rs 20,000 to Rs 2,000 and issuance of electoral bonds using cheque and digital payments would end such opacity in political donation. In reality, both measures have anonymity inbuilt in them. Transparency will remain a far cry as neither tax officials nor the Election Commission would know the actual sources of funding, let alone the public.<br /><br />Second and the most worrisome steps are the changes made to the Companies Act. Earlier, through the electoral trusts, private companies were allowed to donate up to 7.5 per cent in the net profit in three financial years to political parties. The Finance Bill that introduced amendments to the Companies Act removed the &ldquo;carefully thought-about limits&rdquo; on corporate donations. What is even worrisome is the removal of the earlier requirement of an enterprise disclosing the name of the political entity to which the contribution was made. Thus, at one stroke the government has opened the floodgates for special interest groups and corporate lobbyists to influence the country&rsquo;s democratic politics.<br /><br />While the government might be genuinely interested in expanding the supply of &lsquo;white money as often claimed by the finance minister, allowing unlimited corporate donations (where the company is under no obligation to reveal the name of the party to which donation was made) can prove disastrous for the country&rsquo;s body polity. The budgetary measures on electoral trusts are akin to the Citizens United of the United States. The 2010 ruling of the United States Supreme Court, which removed the restrictions of corporate donations on the basis of First Amendment that guarantees free speech, opened the floodgates for big businesses, mainly pharma, arms companies, oil and insurance mafia, to fix candidates and shell out millions for candidates to back their causes. India is not immune to such pernicious influence. As vividly captured in the Radia tapes and a series of high- profile scams and scandals ,notably 2G and Coalgate, quid pro quo is becoming a norm, not an exception.<br /><br />Please <a href="http://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-the-great-finance-bill-trick-2369565" title="http://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-the-great-finance-bill-trick-2369565">click here</a> to read more. </div><div align="justify">&nbsp;</div>               </font>
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-DNA <br />
<em><br />
The political funding reforms are an embarrassment to India&rsquo;s claims of heralding a transparency revolution <br />
</em><br />
Following Prime Minister Narendra Modi&rsquo;s demonetization drive and his expressed desire to bring transparency in political funding, there were expectations of more concrete measures to cleanse the Augean stables of Indian politics. The government responded quickly, albeit through the Finance Bill. For the first time, the Union Budget 2017 devoted a full section (420 words) on electoral funding reforms. Yet, if these proposals, including the last-minute changes made in the Finance Bill, are critically evaluated, they come as a great disappointment. First, take a close look at some of the key announcements to improve transparency in electoral funding. It is well known that a mammoth 75-80 per cent of funding for political parties come from unknown sources. The government claims that steps like the reduction of cash contribution from Rs 20,000 to Rs 2,000 and issuance of electoral bonds using cheque and digital payments would end such opacity in political donation. In reality, both measures have anonymity inbuilt in them. Transparency will remain a far cry as neither tax officials nor the Election Commission would know the actual sources of funding, let alone the public.<br />
<br />
Second and the most worrisome steps are the changes made to the Companies Act. Earlier, through the electoral trusts, private companies were allowed to donate up to 7.5 per cent in the net profit in three financial years to political parties. The Finance Bill that introduced amendments to the Companies Act removed the &ldquo;carefully thought-about limits&rdquo; on corporate donations. What is even worrisome is the removal of the earlier requirement of an enterprise disclosing the name of the political entity to which the contribution was made. Thus, at one stroke the government has opened the floodgates for special interest groups and corporate lobbyists to influence the country&rsquo;s democratic politics.<br />
<br />
While the government might be genuinely interested in expanding the supply of &lsquo;white money as often claimed by the finance minister, allowing unlimited corporate donations (where the company is under no obligation to reveal the name of the party to which donation was made) can prove disastrous for the country&rsquo;s body polity. The budgetary measures on electoral trusts are akin to the Citizens United of the United States. The 2010 ruling of the United States Supreme Court, which removed the restrictions of corporate donations on the basis of First Amendment that guarantees free speech, opened the floodgates for big businesses, mainly pharma, arms companies, oil and insurance mafia, to fix candidates and shell out millions for candidates to back their causes. India is not immune to such pernicious influence. As vividly captured in the Radia tapes and a series of high- profile scams and scandals ,notably 2G and Coalgate, quid pro quo is becoming a norm, not an exception.<br />
<br />
Please <a href="http://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-the-great-finance-bill-trick-2369565">click here</a> to read more. 
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-DNA 

The political funding reforms are an embarrassment to India&rsquo;s claims of heralding a transparency revolution 

Following Prime Minister Narendra Modi&rsquo;s demonetization drive and his expressed desire to bring transparency in political funding, there were expectations of more concrete measures...',
	'disp' => '<div align="justify">-DNA <br /><em><br />The political funding reforms are an embarrassment to India&rsquo;s claims of heralding a transparency revolution <br /></em><br />Following Prime Minister Narendra Modi&rsquo;s demonetization drive and his expressed desire to bring transparency in political funding, there were expectations of more concrete measures to cleanse the Augean stables of Indian politics. The government responded quickly, albeit through the Finance Bill. For the first time, the Union Budget 2017 devoted a full section (420 words) on electoral funding reforms. Yet, if these proposals, including the last-minute changes made in the Finance Bill, are critically evaluated, they come as a great disappointment. First, take a close look at some of the key announcements to improve transparency in electoral funding. It is well known that a mammoth 75-80 per cent of funding for political parties come from unknown sources. The government claims that steps like the reduction of cash contribution from Rs 20,000 to Rs 2,000 and issuance of electoral bonds using cheque and digital payments would end such opacity in political donation. In reality, both measures have anonymity inbuilt in them. Transparency will remain a far cry as neither tax officials nor the Election Commission would know the actual sources of funding, let alone the public.<br /><br />Second and the most worrisome steps are the changes made to the Companies Act. Earlier, through the electoral trusts, private companies were allowed to donate up to 7.5 per cent in the net profit in three financial years to political parties. The Finance Bill that introduced amendments to the Companies Act removed the &ldquo;carefully thought-about limits&rdquo; on corporate donations. What is even worrisome is the removal of the earlier requirement of an enterprise disclosing the name of the political entity to which the contribution was made. Thus, at one stroke the government has opened the floodgates for special interest groups and corporate lobbyists to influence the country&rsquo;s democratic politics.<br /><br />While the government might be genuinely interested in expanding the supply of &lsquo;white money as often claimed by the finance minister, allowing unlimited corporate donations (where the company is under no obligation to reveal the name of the party to which donation was made) can prove disastrous for the country&rsquo;s body polity. The budgetary measures on electoral trusts are akin to the Citizens United of the United States. The 2010 ruling of the United States Supreme Court, which removed the restrictions of corporate donations on the basis of First Amendment that guarantees free speech, opened the floodgates for big businesses, mainly pharma, arms companies, oil and insurance mafia, to fix candidates and shell out millions for candidates to back their causes. India is not immune to such pernicious influence. As vividly captured in the Radia tapes and a series of high- profile scams and scandals ,notably 2G and Coalgate, quid pro quo is becoming a norm, not an exception.<br /><br />Please <a href="http://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-the-great-finance-bill-trick-2369565" title="http://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-the-great-finance-bill-trick-2369565">click here</a> to read more. </div><div align="justify">&nbsp;</div>',
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-DNA <br />
<em><br />
The political funding reforms are an embarrassment to India&rsquo;s claims of heralding a transparency revolution <br />
</em><br />
Following Prime Minister Narendra Modi&rsquo;s demonetization drive and his expressed desire to bring transparency in political funding, there were expectations of more concrete measures to cleanse the Augean stables of Indian politics. The government responded quickly, albeit through the Finance Bill. For the first time, the Union Budget 2017 devoted a full section (420 words) on electoral funding reforms. Yet, if these proposals, including the last-minute changes made in the Finance Bill, are critically evaluated, they come as a great disappointment. First, take a close look at some of the key announcements to improve transparency in electoral funding. It is well known that a mammoth 75-80 per cent of funding for political parties come from unknown sources. The government claims that steps like the reduction of cash contribution from Rs 20,000 to Rs 2,000 and issuance of electoral bonds using cheque and digital payments would end such opacity in political donation. In reality, both measures have anonymity inbuilt in them. Transparency will remain a far cry as neither tax officials nor the Election Commission would know the actual sources of funding, let alone the public.<br />
<br />
Second and the most worrisome steps are the changes made to the Companies Act. Earlier, through the electoral trusts, private companies were allowed to donate up to 7.5 per cent in the net profit in three financial years to political parties. The Finance Bill that introduced amendments to the Companies Act removed the &ldquo;carefully thought-about limits&rdquo; on corporate donations. What is even worrisome is the removal of the earlier requirement of an enterprise disclosing the name of the political entity to which the contribution was made. Thus, at one stroke the government has opened the floodgates for special interest groups and corporate lobbyists to influence the country&rsquo;s democratic politics.<br />
<br />
While the government might be genuinely interested in expanding the supply of &lsquo;white money as often claimed by the finance minister, allowing unlimited corporate donations (where the company is under no obligation to reveal the name of the party to which donation was made) can prove disastrous for the country&rsquo;s body polity. The budgetary measures on electoral trusts are akin to the Citizens United of the United States. The 2010 ruling of the United States Supreme Court, which removed the restrictions of corporate donations on the basis of First Amendment that guarantees free speech, opened the floodgates for big businesses, mainly pharma, arms companies, oil and insurance mafia, to fix candidates and shell out millions for candidates to back their causes. India is not immune to such pernicious influence. As vividly captured in the Radia tapes and a series of high- profile scams and scandals ,notably 2G and Coalgate, quid pro quo is becoming a norm, not an exception.<br />
<br />
Please <a href="http://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-the-great-finance-bill-trick-2369565">click here</a> to read more. 
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-DNA 

The political funding reforms are an embarrassment to India&rsquo;s claims of heralding a transparency revolution 

Following Prime Minister Narendra Modi&rsquo;s demonetization drive and his expressed desire to bring transparency in political funding, there were expectations of more concrete measures...'
$disp = '<div align="justify">-DNA <br /><em><br />The political funding reforms are an embarrassment to India&rsquo;s claims of heralding a transparency revolution <br /></em><br />Following Prime Minister Narendra Modi&rsquo;s demonetization drive and his expressed desire to bring transparency in political funding, there were expectations of more concrete measures to cleanse the Augean stables of Indian politics. The government responded quickly, albeit through the Finance Bill. For the first time, the Union Budget 2017 devoted a full section (420 words) on electoral funding reforms. Yet, if these proposals, including the last-minute changes made in the Finance Bill, are critically evaluated, they come as a great disappointment. First, take a close look at some of the key announcements to improve transparency in electoral funding. It is well known that a mammoth 75-80 per cent of funding for political parties come from unknown sources. The government claims that steps like the reduction of cash contribution from Rs 20,000 to Rs 2,000 and issuance of electoral bonds using cheque and digital payments would end such opacity in political donation. In reality, both measures have anonymity inbuilt in them. Transparency will remain a far cry as neither tax officials nor the Election Commission would know the actual sources of funding, let alone the public.<br /><br />Second and the most worrisome steps are the changes made to the Companies Act. Earlier, through the electoral trusts, private companies were allowed to donate up to 7.5 per cent in the net profit in three financial years to political parties. The Finance Bill that introduced amendments to the Companies Act removed the &ldquo;carefully thought-about limits&rdquo; on corporate donations. What is even worrisome is the removal of the earlier requirement of an enterprise disclosing the name of the political entity to which the contribution was made. Thus, at one stroke the government has opened the floodgates for special interest groups and corporate lobbyists to influence the country&rsquo;s democratic politics.<br /><br />While the government might be genuinely interested in expanding the supply of &lsquo;white money as often claimed by the finance minister, allowing unlimited corporate donations (where the company is under no obligation to reveal the name of the party to which donation was made) can prove disastrous for the country&rsquo;s body polity. The budgetary measures on electoral trusts are akin to the Citizens United of the United States. The 2010 ruling of the United States Supreme Court, which removed the restrictions of corporate donations on the basis of First Amendment that guarantees free speech, opened the floodgates for big businesses, mainly pharma, arms companies, oil and insurance mafia, to fix candidates and shell out millions for candidates to back their causes. India is not immune to such pernicious influence. As vividly captured in the Radia tapes and a series of high- profile scams and scandals ,notably 2G and Coalgate, quid pro quo is becoming a norm, not an exception.<br /><br />Please <a href="http://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-the-great-finance-bill-trick-2369565" title="http://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-the-great-finance-bill-trick-2369565">click here</a> to read more. </div><div align="justify">&nbsp;</div>'
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The great Finance Bill trick -Niranjan Sahoo

-DNA The political funding reforms are an embarrassment to India’s claims of heralding a transparency revolution Following Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s demonetization drive and his expressed desire to bring transparency in political funding, there were expectations of more concrete measures to cleanse the Augean stables of Indian politics. The government responded quickly, albeit through the Finance Bill. For the first time, the Union Budget 2017 devoted a full section (420 words) on electoral funding reforms. Yet, if these proposals, including the last-minute changes made in the Finance Bill, are critically evaluated, they come as a great disappointment. First, take a close look at some of the key announcements to improve transparency in electoral funding. It is well known that a mammoth 75-80 per cent of funding for political parties come from unknown sources. The government claims that steps like the reduction of cash contribution from Rs 20,000 to Rs 2,000 and issuance of electoral bonds using cheque and digital payments would end such opacity in political donation. In reality, both measures have anonymity inbuilt in them. Transparency will remain a far cry as neither tax officials nor the Election Commission would know the actual sources of funding, let alone the public. Second and the most worrisome steps are the changes made to the Companies Act. Earlier, through the electoral trusts, private companies were allowed to donate up to 7.5 per cent in the net profit in three financial years to political parties. The Finance Bill that introduced amendments to the Companies Act removed the “carefully thought-about limits” on corporate donations. What is even worrisome is the removal of the earlier requirement of an enterprise disclosing the name of the political entity to which the contribution was made. Thus, at one stroke the government has opened the floodgates for special interest groups and corporate lobbyists to influence the country’s democratic politics. While the government might be genuinely interested in expanding the supply of ‘white money as often claimed by the finance minister, allowing unlimited corporate donations (where the company is under no obligation to reveal the name of the party to which donation was made) can prove disastrous for the country’s body polity. The budgetary measures on electoral trusts are akin to the Citizens United of the United States. The 2010 ruling of the United States Supreme Court, which removed the restrictions of corporate donations on the basis of First Amendment that guarantees free speech, opened the floodgates for big businesses, mainly pharma, arms companies, oil and insurance mafia, to fix candidates and shell out millions for candidates to back their causes. India is not immune to such pernicious influence. As vividly captured in the Radia tapes and a series of high- profile scams and scandals ,notably 2G and Coalgate, quid pro quo is becoming a norm, not an exception. Please click here to read more.