Deprecated (16384): The ArrayAccess methods will be removed in 4.0.0.Use getParam(), getData() and getQuery() instead. - /home/brlfuser/public_html/src/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line: 73
 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php. [CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311]
Code Context


        trigger_error($message, E_USER_DEPRECATED);

    }
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 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php.'
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deprecationWarning - CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311
Cake\Http\ServerRequest::offsetGet() - CORE/src/Http/ServerRequest.php, line 2421
App\Controller\ArtileDetailController::printArticle() - APP/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line 73
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Cake\Http\ActionDispatcher::_invoke() - CORE/src/Http/ActionDispatcher.php, line 120
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Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Error\Middleware\ErrorHandlerMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Error/Middleware/ErrorHandlerMiddleware.php, line 96
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Http\Runner::run() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 51
Cake\Http\Server::run() - CORE/src/Http/Server.php, line 98

Deprecated (16384): The ArrayAccess methods will be removed in 4.0.0.Use getParam(), getData() and getQuery() instead. - /home/brlfuser/public_html/src/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line: 74
 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php. [CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311]
Code Context


        trigger_error($message, E_USER_DEPRECATED);

    }
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 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php.'
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deprecationWarning - CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311
Cake\Http\ServerRequest::offsetGet() - CORE/src/Http/ServerRequest.php, line 2421
App\Controller\ArtileDetailController::printArticle() - APP/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line 74
Cake\Controller\Controller::invokeAction() - CORE/src/Controller/Controller.php, line 610
Cake\Http\ActionDispatcher::_invoke() - CORE/src/Http/ActionDispatcher.php, line 120
Cake\Http\ActionDispatcher::dispatch() - CORE/src/Http/ActionDispatcher.php, line 94
Cake\Http\BaseApplication::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/BaseApplication.php, line 235
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Routing\Middleware\RoutingMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Routing/Middleware/RoutingMiddleware.php, line 162
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Routing\Middleware\AssetMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Routing/Middleware/AssetMiddleware.php, line 88
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Error\Middleware\ErrorHandlerMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Error/Middleware/ErrorHandlerMiddleware.php, line 96
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Http\Runner::run() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 51
Cake\Http\Server::run() - CORE/src/Http/Server.php, line 98

Warning (512): Unable to emit headers. Headers sent in file=/home/brlfuser/public_html/vendor/cakephp/cakephp/src/Error/Debugger.php line=853 [CORE/src/Http/ResponseEmitter.php, line 48]
Code Context
            if (Configure::read('debug')) {

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-Livemint.com&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;While there are several creditable achievements, it is the deeper structural reforms where expectations from a strong government have not been met&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Amidst expectations of a magical transformation of the Indian economy, the Narendra Modi government took over the reins in May 2014. During the election campaign, people were led to believe that the Gujarat model of agricultural development, which delivered 8% growth in agriculture during fiscal years 2003-14, would be replicated in the country. Out of the government&amp;rsquo;s four years , FY15 and FY16 were affected by drought and it did well to manage the crisis. A number of welcome initiatives have been launched in the last four years, including schemes for crop insurance, irrigation, soil testing, electronic national agricultural market (e-NAM), and use of Aadhaar for the public distribution system (PDS) and purchase of fertilizer. While there are several creditable achievements, it is the deeper structural reforms where expectations from a &amp;ldquo;strong&amp;rdquo; government have not been met.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Helped by a downturn in the global prices of petroleum and commodities, the government took pro-active measures to rein in food inflation, which was 6.64% during United Progressive Alliance (UPA) I and 12.2% in UPA II. These included release of wheat and rice from government stocks, restrictions on exports, small increases in minimum support prices (MSP) (except pulses), raids on traders under the Essential Commodities Act, and even income-tax investigations. The states giving bonus on wheat and paddy were told to discontinue it. In order to reduce excessive procurement of rice, the 50% levy on rice mills was also abolished.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In August 2014, it set up a committee under Shanta Kumar to recommend restructuring of the Food Corporation of India (FCI). This made far-reaching recommendations about agriculture policy, subsidies on food and fertilizers, and the role of FCI. It recommended that coverage of beneficiaries under PDS be reduced from 67% to 40% and cash transfers introduced instead of foodgrains in cities with a population of more than one million. In the case of fertilizers, the committee recommended deregulation and payment of subsidy to farmers through direct benefit transfers (DBT). With the aggressive posturing by the ruling party vis-a-vis the opposition, there was hardly any possibility of opposition-ruled states agreeing to such reforms but the government did not make any serious effort to persuade even the National Democratic Alliance (NDA)-ruled states to go for DBTs for PDS , even in food-surplus regions. Similarly, there was no effort to deregulate urea prices and transfer subsidy to farmers directly. Aadhaar-based sale of foodgrains and fertilizer is only a small step towards reform of the subsidy regime. Similarly, free electricity continues to cause excessive drawal of underground water in several states. No serious effort was made to persuade states to transfer electricity subsidy through DBT.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Sugar is another sector where the government had the benefit of the C. Rangarajan committee report, which had recommended a revenue-sharing formula under which 70-75% of the revenue of sugar mills from sugar and by-products would be shared with farmers. If sugar prices were low, farmers would still be guaranteed fair and remunerative prices (FRPs) fixed by the Centre. If they were high, farmers stood to benefit. But it was possible to build a consensus on this reform only when sugar prices were high. UPA II, towards the end of its term, abolished the 10% levy on sugar and controlled release mechanism under which the Union food ministry decided the quantity of sugar to be sold by each mill every month. At one stroke, the sugar division in the food ministry lost its lordship over sugar mills. It is an irony that there is now a proposal to bring back stock limits on sugar and again allow the government to decide how much sugar a mill can sell each month.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.livemint.com/Opinion/ZPbRVsb1meIrCBCYBnsTIJ/The-wait-for-deep-agricultural-reforms.html&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more.
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-Livemint.com

While there are several creditable achievements, it is the deeper structural reforms where expectations from a strong government have not been met

Amidst expectations of a magical transformation of the Indian economy, the Narendra Modi government took over the reins in...&#039;,
	&#039;disp&#039; =&gt; &#039;&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;-Livemint.com&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;While there are several creditable achievements, it is the deeper structural reforms where expectations from a strong government have not been met&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Amidst expectations of a magical transformation of the Indian economy, the Narendra Modi government took over the reins in May 2014. During the election campaign, people were led to believe that the Gujarat model of agricultural development, which delivered 8% growth in agriculture during fiscal years 2003-14, would be replicated in the country. Out of the government&amp;rsquo;s four years , FY15 and FY16 were affected by drought and it did well to manage the crisis. A number of welcome initiatives have been launched in the last four years, including schemes for crop insurance, irrigation, soil testing, electronic national agricultural market (e-NAM), and use of Aadhaar for the public distribution system (PDS) and purchase of fertilizer. While there are several creditable achievements, it is the deeper structural reforms where expectations from a &amp;ldquo;strong&amp;rdquo; government have not been met.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Helped by a downturn in the global prices of petroleum and commodities, the government took pro-active measures to rein in food inflation, which was 6.64% during United Progressive Alliance (UPA) I and 12.2% in UPA II. These included release of wheat and rice from government stocks, restrictions on exports, small increases in minimum support prices (MSP) (except pulses), raids on traders under the Essential Commodities Act, and even income-tax investigations. The states giving bonus on wheat and paddy were told to discontinue it. In order to reduce excessive procurement of rice, the 50% levy on rice mills was also abolished.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In August 2014, it set up a committee under Shanta Kumar to recommend restructuring of the Food Corporation of India (FCI). This made far-reaching recommendations about agriculture policy, subsidies on food and fertilizers, and the role of FCI. It recommended that coverage of beneficiaries under PDS be reduced from 67% to 40% and cash transfers introduced instead of foodgrains in cities with a population of more than one million. In the case of fertilizers, the committee recommended deregulation and payment of subsidy to farmers through direct benefit transfers (DBT). With the aggressive posturing by the ruling party vis-a-vis the opposition, there was hardly any possibility of opposition-ruled states agreeing to such reforms but the government did not make any serious effort to persuade even the National Democratic Alliance (NDA)-ruled states to go for DBTs for PDS , even in food-surplus regions. Similarly, there was no effort to deregulate urea prices and transfer subsidy to farmers directly. Aadhaar-based sale of foodgrains and fertilizer is only a small step towards reform of the subsidy regime. Similarly, free electricity continues to cause excessive drawal of underground water in several states. No serious effort was made to persuade states to transfer electricity subsidy through DBT.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Sugar is another sector where the government had the benefit of the C. Rangarajan committee report, which had recommended a revenue-sharing formula under which 70-75% of the revenue of sugar mills from sugar and by-products would be shared with farmers. If sugar prices were low, farmers would still be guaranteed fair and remunerative prices (FRPs) fixed by the Centre. If they were high, farmers stood to benefit. But it was possible to build a consensus on this reform only when sugar prices were high. UPA II, towards the end of its term, abolished the 10% levy on sugar and controlled release mechanism under which the Union food ministry decided the quantity of sugar to be sold by each mill every month. At one stroke, the sugar division in the food ministry lost its lordship over sugar mills. It is an irony that there is now a proposal to bring back stock limits on sugar and again allow the government to decide how much sugar a mill can sell each month.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.livemint.com/Opinion/ZPbRVsb1meIrCBCYBnsTIJ/The-wait-for-deep-agricultural-reforms.html&quot; title=&quot;https://www.livemint.com/Opinion/ZPbRVsb1meIrCBCYBnsTIJ/The-wait-for-deep-agricultural-reforms.html&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more.&lt;/div&gt;&#039;,
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&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;While there are several creditable achievements, it is the deeper structural reforms where expectations from a strong government have not been met&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Amidst expectations of a magical transformation of the Indian economy, the Narendra Modi government took over the reins in May 2014. During the election campaign, people were led to believe that the Gujarat model of agricultural development, which delivered 8% growth in agriculture during fiscal years 2003-14, would be replicated in the country. Out of the government&amp;rsquo;s four years , FY15 and FY16 were affected by drought and it did well to manage the crisis. A number of welcome initiatives have been launched in the last four years, including schemes for crop insurance, irrigation, soil testing, electronic national agricultural market (e-NAM), and use of Aadhaar for the public distribution system (PDS) and purchase of fertilizer. While there are several creditable achievements, it is the deeper structural reforms where expectations from a &amp;ldquo;strong&amp;rdquo; government have not been met.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Helped by a downturn in the global prices of petroleum and commodities, the government took pro-active measures to rein in food inflation, which was 6.64% during United Progressive Alliance (UPA) I and 12.2% in UPA II. These included release of wheat and rice from government stocks, restrictions on exports, small increases in minimum support prices (MSP) (except pulses), raids on traders under the Essential Commodities Act, and even income-tax investigations. The states giving bonus on wheat and paddy were told to discontinue it. In order to reduce excessive procurement of rice, the 50% levy on rice mills was also abolished.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In August 2014, it set up a committee under Shanta Kumar to recommend restructuring of the Food Corporation of India (FCI). This made far-reaching recommendations about agriculture policy, subsidies on food and fertilizers, and the role of FCI. It recommended that coverage of beneficiaries under PDS be reduced from 67% to 40% and cash transfers introduced instead of foodgrains in cities with a population of more than one million. In the case of fertilizers, the committee recommended deregulation and payment of subsidy to farmers through direct benefit transfers (DBT). With the aggressive posturing by the ruling party vis-a-vis the opposition, there was hardly any possibility of opposition-ruled states agreeing to such reforms but the government did not make any serious effort to persuade even the National Democratic Alliance (NDA)-ruled states to go for DBTs for PDS , even in food-surplus regions. Similarly, there was no effort to deregulate urea prices and transfer subsidy to farmers directly. Aadhaar-based sale of foodgrains and fertilizer is only a small step towards reform of the subsidy regime. Similarly, free electricity continues to cause excessive drawal of underground water in several states. No serious effort was made to persuade states to transfer electricity subsidy through DBT.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Sugar is another sector where the government had the benefit of the C. Rangarajan committee report, which had recommended a revenue-sharing formula under which 70-75% of the revenue of sugar mills from sugar and by-products would be shared with farmers. If sugar prices were low, farmers would still be guaranteed fair and remunerative prices (FRPs) fixed by the Centre. If they were high, farmers stood to benefit. But it was possible to build a consensus on this reform only when sugar prices were high. UPA II, towards the end of its term, abolished the 10% levy on sugar and controlled release mechanism under which the Union food ministry decided the quantity of sugar to be sold by each mill every month. At one stroke, the sugar division in the food ministry lost its lordship over sugar mills. It is an irony that there is now a proposal to bring back stock limits on sugar and again allow the government to decide how much sugar a mill can sell each month.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.livemint.com/Opinion/ZPbRVsb1meIrCBCYBnsTIJ/The-wait-for-deep-agricultural-reforms.html&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more.
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-Livemint.com

While there are several creditable achievements, it is the deeper structural reforms where expectations from a strong government have not been met

Amidst expectations of a magical transformation of the Indian economy, the Narendra Modi government took over the reins in...&#039;
$disp = &#039;&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;-Livemint.com&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;While there are several creditable achievements, it is the deeper structural reforms where expectations from a strong government have not been met&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Amidst expectations of a magical transformation of the Indian economy, the Narendra Modi government took over the reins in May 2014. During the election campaign, people were led to believe that the Gujarat model of agricultural development, which delivered 8% growth in agriculture during fiscal years 2003-14, would be replicated in the country. Out of the government&amp;rsquo;s four years , FY15 and FY16 were affected by drought and it did well to manage the crisis. A number of welcome initiatives have been launched in the last four years, including schemes for crop insurance, irrigation, soil testing, electronic national agricultural market (e-NAM), and use of Aadhaar for the public distribution system (PDS) and purchase of fertilizer. While there are several creditable achievements, it is the deeper structural reforms where expectations from a &amp;ldquo;strong&amp;rdquo; government have not been met.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Helped by a downturn in the global prices of petroleum and commodities, the government took pro-active measures to rein in food inflation, which was 6.64% during United Progressive Alliance (UPA) I and 12.2% in UPA II. These included release of wheat and rice from government stocks, restrictions on exports, small increases in minimum support prices (MSP) (except pulses), raids on traders under the Essential Commodities Act, and even income-tax investigations. The states giving bonus on wheat and paddy were told to discontinue it. In order to reduce excessive procurement of rice, the 50% levy on rice mills was also abolished.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In August 2014, it set up a committee under Shanta Kumar to recommend restructuring of the Food Corporation of India (FCI). This made far-reaching recommendations about agriculture policy, subsidies on food and fertilizers, and the role of FCI. It recommended that coverage of beneficiaries under PDS be reduced from 67% to 40% and cash transfers introduced instead of foodgrains in cities with a population of more than one million. In the case of fertilizers, the committee recommended deregulation and payment of subsidy to farmers through direct benefit transfers (DBT). With the aggressive posturing by the ruling party vis-a-vis the opposition, there was hardly any possibility of opposition-ruled states agreeing to such reforms but the government did not make any serious effort to persuade even the National Democratic Alliance (NDA)-ruled states to go for DBTs for PDS , even in food-surplus regions. Similarly, there was no effort to deregulate urea prices and transfer subsidy to farmers directly. Aadhaar-based sale of foodgrains and fertilizer is only a small step towards reform of the subsidy regime. Similarly, free electricity continues to cause excessive drawal of underground water in several states. No serious effort was made to persuade states to transfer electricity subsidy through DBT.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Sugar is another sector where the government had the benefit of the C. Rangarajan committee report, which had recommended a revenue-sharing formula under which 70-75% of the revenue of sugar mills from sugar and by-products would be shared with farmers. If sugar prices were low, farmers would still be guaranteed fair and remunerative prices (FRPs) fixed by the Centre. If they were high, farmers stood to benefit. But it was possible to build a consensus on this reform only when sugar prices were high. UPA II, towards the end of its term, abolished the 10% levy on sugar and controlled release mechanism under which the Union food ministry decided the quantity of sugar to be sold by each mill every month. At one stroke, the sugar division in the food ministry lost its lordship over sugar mills. It is an irony that there is now a proposal to bring back stock limits on sugar and again allow the government to decide how much sugar a mill can sell each month.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.livemint.com/Opinion/ZPbRVsb1meIrCBCYBnsTIJ/The-wait-for-deep-agricultural-reforms.html&quot; title=&quot;https://www.livemint.com/Opinion/ZPbRVsb1meIrCBCYBnsTIJ/The-wait-for-deep-agricultural-reforms.html&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more.&lt;/div&gt;&#039;
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                <strong>The wait for deep agricultural reforms -Siraj Hussain</strong></h1>
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                <div align="justify">-Livemint.com<br /><br /><em>While there are several creditable achievements, it is the deeper structural reforms where expectations from a strong government have not been met<br /></em><br />Amidst expectations of a magical transformation of the Indian economy, the Narendra Modi government took over the reins in May 2014. During the election campaign, people were led to believe that the Gujarat model of agricultural development, which delivered 8% growth in agriculture during fiscal years 2003-14, would be replicated in the country. Out of the government&rsquo;s four years , FY15 and FY16 were affected by drought and it did well to manage the crisis. A number of welcome initiatives have been launched in the last four years, including schemes for crop insurance, irrigation, soil testing, electronic national agricultural market (e-NAM), and use of Aadhaar for the public distribution system (PDS) and purchase of fertilizer. While there are several creditable achievements, it is the deeper structural reforms where expectations from a &ldquo;strong&rdquo; government have not been met.<br /><br />Helped by a downturn in the global prices of petroleum and commodities, the government took pro-active measures to rein in food inflation, which was 6.64% during United Progressive Alliance (UPA) I and 12.2% in UPA II. These included release of wheat and rice from government stocks, restrictions on exports, small increases in minimum support prices (MSP) (except pulses), raids on traders under the Essential Commodities Act, and even income-tax investigations. The states giving bonus on wheat and paddy were told to discontinue it. In order to reduce excessive procurement of rice, the 50% levy on rice mills was also abolished.<br /><br />In August 2014, it set up a committee under Shanta Kumar to recommend restructuring of the Food Corporation of India (FCI). This made far-reaching recommendations about agriculture policy, subsidies on food and fertilizers, and the role of FCI. It recommended that coverage of beneficiaries under PDS be reduced from 67% to 40% and cash transfers introduced instead of foodgrains in cities with a population of more than one million. In the case of fertilizers, the committee recommended deregulation and payment of subsidy to farmers through direct benefit transfers (DBT). With the aggressive posturing by the ruling party vis-a-vis the opposition, there was hardly any possibility of opposition-ruled states agreeing to such reforms but the government did not make any serious effort to persuade even the National Democratic Alliance (NDA)-ruled states to go for DBTs for PDS , even in food-surplus regions. Similarly, there was no effort to deregulate urea prices and transfer subsidy to farmers directly. Aadhaar-based sale of foodgrains and fertilizer is only a small step towards reform of the subsidy regime. Similarly, free electricity continues to cause excessive drawal of underground water in several states. No serious effort was made to persuade states to transfer electricity subsidy through DBT.<br /><br />Sugar is another sector where the government had the benefit of the C. Rangarajan committee report, which had recommended a revenue-sharing formula under which 70-75% of the revenue of sugar mills from sugar and by-products would be shared with farmers. If sugar prices were low, farmers would still be guaranteed fair and remunerative prices (FRPs) fixed by the Centre. If they were high, farmers stood to benefit. But it was possible to build a consensus on this reform only when sugar prices were high. UPA II, towards the end of its term, abolished the 10% levy on sugar and controlled release mechanism under which the Union food ministry decided the quantity of sugar to be sold by each mill every month. At one stroke, the sugar division in the food ministry lost its lordship over sugar mills. It is an irony that there is now a proposal to bring back stock limits on sugar and again allow the government to decide how much sugar a mill can sell each month.<br /><br />Please <a href="https://www.livemint.com/Opinion/ZPbRVsb1meIrCBCYBnsTIJ/The-wait-for-deep-agricultural-reforms.html" title="https://www.livemint.com/Opinion/ZPbRVsb1meIrCBCYBnsTIJ/The-wait-for-deep-agricultural-reforms.html">click here</a> to read more.</div>               </font>
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-Livemint.com&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;While there are several creditable achievements, it is the deeper structural reforms where expectations from a strong government have not been met&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Amidst expectations of a magical transformation of the Indian economy, the Narendra Modi government took over the reins in May 2014. During the election campaign, people were led to believe that the Gujarat model of agricultural development, which delivered 8% growth in agriculture during fiscal years 2003-14, would be replicated in the country. Out of the government&amp;rsquo;s four years , FY15 and FY16 were affected by drought and it did well to manage the crisis. A number of welcome initiatives have been launched in the last four years, including schemes for crop insurance, irrigation, soil testing, electronic national agricultural market (e-NAM), and use of Aadhaar for the public distribution system (PDS) and purchase of fertilizer. While there are several creditable achievements, it is the deeper structural reforms where expectations from a &amp;ldquo;strong&amp;rdquo; government have not been met.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Helped by a downturn in the global prices of petroleum and commodities, the government took pro-active measures to rein in food inflation, which was 6.64% during United Progressive Alliance (UPA) I and 12.2% in UPA II. These included release of wheat and rice from government stocks, restrictions on exports, small increases in minimum support prices (MSP) (except pulses), raids on traders under the Essential Commodities Act, and even income-tax investigations. The states giving bonus on wheat and paddy were told to discontinue it. In order to reduce excessive procurement of rice, the 50% levy on rice mills was also abolished.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In August 2014, it set up a committee under Shanta Kumar to recommend restructuring of the Food Corporation of India (FCI). This made far-reaching recommendations about agriculture policy, subsidies on food and fertilizers, and the role of FCI. It recommended that coverage of beneficiaries under PDS be reduced from 67% to 40% and cash transfers introduced instead of foodgrains in cities with a population of more than one million. In the case of fertilizers, the committee recommended deregulation and payment of subsidy to farmers through direct benefit transfers (DBT). With the aggressive posturing by the ruling party vis-a-vis the opposition, there was hardly any possibility of opposition-ruled states agreeing to such reforms but the government did not make any serious effort to persuade even the National Democratic Alliance (NDA)-ruled states to go for DBTs for PDS , even in food-surplus regions. Similarly, there was no effort to deregulate urea prices and transfer subsidy to farmers directly. Aadhaar-based sale of foodgrains and fertilizer is only a small step towards reform of the subsidy regime. Similarly, free electricity continues to cause excessive drawal of underground water in several states. No serious effort was made to persuade states to transfer electricity subsidy through DBT.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Sugar is another sector where the government had the benefit of the C. Rangarajan committee report, which had recommended a revenue-sharing formula under which 70-75% of the revenue of sugar mills from sugar and by-products would be shared with farmers. If sugar prices were low, farmers would still be guaranteed fair and remunerative prices (FRPs) fixed by the Centre. If they were high, farmers stood to benefit. But it was possible to build a consensus on this reform only when sugar prices were high. UPA II, towards the end of its term, abolished the 10% levy on sugar and controlled release mechanism under which the Union food ministry decided the quantity of sugar to be sold by each mill every month. At one stroke, the sugar division in the food ministry lost its lordship over sugar mills. It is an irony that there is now a proposal to bring back stock limits on sugar and again allow the government to decide how much sugar a mill can sell each month.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.livemint.com/Opinion/ZPbRVsb1meIrCBCYBnsTIJ/The-wait-for-deep-agricultural-reforms.html&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more.
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While there are several creditable achievements, it is the deeper structural reforms where expectations from a strong government have not been met

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	&#039;disp&#039; =&gt; &#039;&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;-Livemint.com&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;While there are several creditable achievements, it is the deeper structural reforms where expectations from a strong government have not been met&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Amidst expectations of a magical transformation of the Indian economy, the Narendra Modi government took over the reins in May 2014. During the election campaign, people were led to believe that the Gujarat model of agricultural development, which delivered 8% growth in agriculture during fiscal years 2003-14, would be replicated in the country. Out of the government&amp;rsquo;s four years , FY15 and FY16 were affected by drought and it did well to manage the crisis. A number of welcome initiatives have been launched in the last four years, including schemes for crop insurance, irrigation, soil testing, electronic national agricultural market (e-NAM), and use of Aadhaar for the public distribution system (PDS) and purchase of fertilizer. While there are several creditable achievements, it is the deeper structural reforms where expectations from a &amp;ldquo;strong&amp;rdquo; government have not been met.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Helped by a downturn in the global prices of petroleum and commodities, the government took pro-active measures to rein in food inflation, which was 6.64% during United Progressive Alliance (UPA) I and 12.2% in UPA II. These included release of wheat and rice from government stocks, restrictions on exports, small increases in minimum support prices (MSP) (except pulses), raids on traders under the Essential Commodities Act, and even income-tax investigations. The states giving bonus on wheat and paddy were told to discontinue it. In order to reduce excessive procurement of rice, the 50% levy on rice mills was also abolished.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In August 2014, it set up a committee under Shanta Kumar to recommend restructuring of the Food Corporation of India (FCI). This made far-reaching recommendations about agriculture policy, subsidies on food and fertilizers, and the role of FCI. It recommended that coverage of beneficiaries under PDS be reduced from 67% to 40% and cash transfers introduced instead of foodgrains in cities with a population of more than one million. In the case of fertilizers, the committee recommended deregulation and payment of subsidy to farmers through direct benefit transfers (DBT). With the aggressive posturing by the ruling party vis-a-vis the opposition, there was hardly any possibility of opposition-ruled states agreeing to such reforms but the government did not make any serious effort to persuade even the National Democratic Alliance (NDA)-ruled states to go for DBTs for PDS , even in food-surplus regions. Similarly, there was no effort to deregulate urea prices and transfer subsidy to farmers directly. Aadhaar-based sale of foodgrains and fertilizer is only a small step towards reform of the subsidy regime. Similarly, free electricity continues to cause excessive drawal of underground water in several states. No serious effort was made to persuade states to transfer electricity subsidy through DBT.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Sugar is another sector where the government had the benefit of the C. Rangarajan committee report, which had recommended a revenue-sharing formula under which 70-75% of the revenue of sugar mills from sugar and by-products would be shared with farmers. If sugar prices were low, farmers would still be guaranteed fair and remunerative prices (FRPs) fixed by the Centre. If they were high, farmers stood to benefit. But it was possible to build a consensus on this reform only when sugar prices were high. UPA II, towards the end of its term, abolished the 10% levy on sugar and controlled release mechanism under which the Union food ministry decided the quantity of sugar to be sold by each mill every month. At one stroke, the sugar division in the food ministry lost its lordship over sugar mills. It is an irony that there is now a proposal to bring back stock limits on sugar and again allow the government to decide how much sugar a mill can sell each month.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.livemint.com/Opinion/ZPbRVsb1meIrCBCYBnsTIJ/The-wait-for-deep-agricultural-reforms.html&quot; title=&quot;https://www.livemint.com/Opinion/ZPbRVsb1meIrCBCYBnsTIJ/The-wait-for-deep-agricultural-reforms.html&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more.&lt;/div&gt;&#039;,
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-Livemint.com&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;While there are several creditable achievements, it is the deeper structural reforms where expectations from a strong government have not been met&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Amidst expectations of a magical transformation of the Indian economy, the Narendra Modi government took over the reins in May 2014. During the election campaign, people were led to believe that the Gujarat model of agricultural development, which delivered 8% growth in agriculture during fiscal years 2003-14, would be replicated in the country. Out of the government&amp;rsquo;s four years , FY15 and FY16 were affected by drought and it did well to manage the crisis. A number of welcome initiatives have been launched in the last four years, including schemes for crop insurance, irrigation, soil testing, electronic national agricultural market (e-NAM), and use of Aadhaar for the public distribution system (PDS) and purchase of fertilizer. While there are several creditable achievements, it is the deeper structural reforms where expectations from a &amp;ldquo;strong&amp;rdquo; government have not been met.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Helped by a downturn in the global prices of petroleum and commodities, the government took pro-active measures to rein in food inflation, which was 6.64% during United Progressive Alliance (UPA) I and 12.2% in UPA II. These included release of wheat and rice from government stocks, restrictions on exports, small increases in minimum support prices (MSP) (except pulses), raids on traders under the Essential Commodities Act, and even income-tax investigations. The states giving bonus on wheat and paddy were told to discontinue it. In order to reduce excessive procurement of rice, the 50% levy on rice mills was also abolished.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In August 2014, it set up a committee under Shanta Kumar to recommend restructuring of the Food Corporation of India (FCI). This made far-reaching recommendations about agriculture policy, subsidies on food and fertilizers, and the role of FCI. It recommended that coverage of beneficiaries under PDS be reduced from 67% to 40% and cash transfers introduced instead of foodgrains in cities with a population of more than one million. In the case of fertilizers, the committee recommended deregulation and payment of subsidy to farmers through direct benefit transfers (DBT). With the aggressive posturing by the ruling party vis-a-vis the opposition, there was hardly any possibility of opposition-ruled states agreeing to such reforms but the government did not make any serious effort to persuade even the National Democratic Alliance (NDA)-ruled states to go for DBTs for PDS , even in food-surplus regions. Similarly, there was no effort to deregulate urea prices and transfer subsidy to farmers directly. Aadhaar-based sale of foodgrains and fertilizer is only a small step towards reform of the subsidy regime. Similarly, free electricity continues to cause excessive drawal of underground water in several states. No serious effort was made to persuade states to transfer electricity subsidy through DBT.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Sugar is another sector where the government had the benefit of the C. Rangarajan committee report, which had recommended a revenue-sharing formula under which 70-75% of the revenue of sugar mills from sugar and by-products would be shared with farmers. If sugar prices were low, farmers would still be guaranteed fair and remunerative prices (FRPs) fixed by the Centre. If they were high, farmers stood to benefit. But it was possible to build a consensus on this reform only when sugar prices were high. UPA II, towards the end of its term, abolished the 10% levy on sugar and controlled release mechanism under which the Union food ministry decided the quantity of sugar to be sold by each mill every month. At one stroke, the sugar division in the food ministry lost its lordship over sugar mills. It is an irony that there is now a proposal to bring back stock limits on sugar and again allow the government to decide how much sugar a mill can sell each month.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.livemint.com/Opinion/ZPbRVsb1meIrCBCYBnsTIJ/The-wait-for-deep-agricultural-reforms.html&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more.
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While there are several creditable achievements, it is the deeper structural reforms where expectations from a strong government have not been met

Amidst expectations of a magical transformation of the Indian economy, the Narendra Modi government took over the reins in...&#039;
$disp = &#039;&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;-Livemint.com&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;While there are several creditable achievements, it is the deeper structural reforms where expectations from a strong government have not been met&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Amidst expectations of a magical transformation of the Indian economy, the Narendra Modi government took over the reins in May 2014. During the election campaign, people were led to believe that the Gujarat model of agricultural development, which delivered 8% growth in agriculture during fiscal years 2003-14, would be replicated in the country. Out of the government&amp;rsquo;s four years , FY15 and FY16 were affected by drought and it did well to manage the crisis. A number of welcome initiatives have been launched in the last four years, including schemes for crop insurance, irrigation, soil testing, electronic national agricultural market (e-NAM), and use of Aadhaar for the public distribution system (PDS) and purchase of fertilizer. While there are several creditable achievements, it is the deeper structural reforms where expectations from a &amp;ldquo;strong&amp;rdquo; government have not been met.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Helped by a downturn in the global prices of petroleum and commodities, the government took pro-active measures to rein in food inflation, which was 6.64% during United Progressive Alliance (UPA) I and 12.2% in UPA II. These included release of wheat and rice from government stocks, restrictions on exports, small increases in minimum support prices (MSP) (except pulses), raids on traders under the Essential Commodities Act, and even income-tax investigations. The states giving bonus on wheat and paddy were told to discontinue it. In order to reduce excessive procurement of rice, the 50% levy on rice mills was also abolished.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In August 2014, it set up a committee under Shanta Kumar to recommend restructuring of the Food Corporation of India (FCI). This made far-reaching recommendations about agriculture policy, subsidies on food and fertilizers, and the role of FCI. It recommended that coverage of beneficiaries under PDS be reduced from 67% to 40% and cash transfers introduced instead of foodgrains in cities with a population of more than one million. In the case of fertilizers, the committee recommended deregulation and payment of subsidy to farmers through direct benefit transfers (DBT). With the aggressive posturing by the ruling party vis-a-vis the opposition, there was hardly any possibility of opposition-ruled states agreeing to such reforms but the government did not make any serious effort to persuade even the National Democratic Alliance (NDA)-ruled states to go for DBTs for PDS , even in food-surplus regions. Similarly, there was no effort to deregulate urea prices and transfer subsidy to farmers directly. Aadhaar-based sale of foodgrains and fertilizer is only a small step towards reform of the subsidy regime. Similarly, free electricity continues to cause excessive drawal of underground water in several states. No serious effort was made to persuade states to transfer electricity subsidy through DBT.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Sugar is another sector where the government had the benefit of the C. Rangarajan committee report, which had recommended a revenue-sharing formula under which 70-75% of the revenue of sugar mills from sugar and by-products would be shared with farmers. If sugar prices were low, farmers would still be guaranteed fair and remunerative prices (FRPs) fixed by the Centre. If they were high, farmers stood to benefit. But it was possible to build a consensus on this reform only when sugar prices were high. UPA II, towards the end of its term, abolished the 10% levy on sugar and controlled release mechanism under which the Union food ministry decided the quantity of sugar to be sold by each mill every month. At one stroke, the sugar division in the food ministry lost its lordship over sugar mills. It is an irony that there is now a proposal to bring back stock limits on sugar and again allow the government to decide how much sugar a mill can sell each month.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.livemint.com/Opinion/ZPbRVsb1meIrCBCYBnsTIJ/The-wait-for-deep-agricultural-reforms.html&quot; title=&quot;https://www.livemint.com/Opinion/ZPbRVsb1meIrCBCYBnsTIJ/The-wait-for-deep-agricultural-reforms.html&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more.&lt;/div&gt;&#039;
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While there are several creditable achievements, it is the deeper structural reforms where expectations from a strong government have not been met

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                <strong>The wait for deep agricultural reforms -Siraj Hussain</strong></h1>
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                <div align="justify">-Livemint.com<br /><br /><em>While there are several creditable achievements, it is the deeper structural reforms where expectations from a strong government have not been met<br /></em><br />Amidst expectations of a magical transformation of the Indian economy, the Narendra Modi government took over the reins in May 2014. During the election campaign, people were led to believe that the Gujarat model of agricultural development, which delivered 8% growth in agriculture during fiscal years 2003-14, would be replicated in the country. Out of the government&rsquo;s four years , FY15 and FY16 were affected by drought and it did well to manage the crisis. A number of welcome initiatives have been launched in the last four years, including schemes for crop insurance, irrigation, soil testing, electronic national agricultural market (e-NAM), and use of Aadhaar for the public distribution system (PDS) and purchase of fertilizer. While there are several creditable achievements, it is the deeper structural reforms where expectations from a &ldquo;strong&rdquo; government have not been met.<br /><br />Helped by a downturn in the global prices of petroleum and commodities, the government took pro-active measures to rein in food inflation, which was 6.64% during United Progressive Alliance (UPA) I and 12.2% in UPA II. These included release of wheat and rice from government stocks, restrictions on exports, small increases in minimum support prices (MSP) (except pulses), raids on traders under the Essential Commodities Act, and even income-tax investigations. The states giving bonus on wheat and paddy were told to discontinue it. In order to reduce excessive procurement of rice, the 50% levy on rice mills was also abolished.<br /><br />In August 2014, it set up a committee under Shanta Kumar to recommend restructuring of the Food Corporation of India (FCI). This made far-reaching recommendations about agriculture policy, subsidies on food and fertilizers, and the role of FCI. It recommended that coverage of beneficiaries under PDS be reduced from 67% to 40% and cash transfers introduced instead of foodgrains in cities with a population of more than one million. In the case of fertilizers, the committee recommended deregulation and payment of subsidy to farmers through direct benefit transfers (DBT). With the aggressive posturing by the ruling party vis-a-vis the opposition, there was hardly any possibility of opposition-ruled states agreeing to such reforms but the government did not make any serious effort to persuade even the National Democratic Alliance (NDA)-ruled states to go for DBTs for PDS , even in food-surplus regions. Similarly, there was no effort to deregulate urea prices and transfer subsidy to farmers directly. Aadhaar-based sale of foodgrains and fertilizer is only a small step towards reform of the subsidy regime. Similarly, free electricity continues to cause excessive drawal of underground water in several states. No serious effort was made to persuade states to transfer electricity subsidy through DBT.<br /><br />Sugar is another sector where the government had the benefit of the C. Rangarajan committee report, which had recommended a revenue-sharing formula under which 70-75% of the revenue of sugar mills from sugar and by-products would be shared with farmers. If sugar prices were low, farmers would still be guaranteed fair and remunerative prices (FRPs) fixed by the Centre. If they were high, farmers stood to benefit. But it was possible to build a consensus on this reform only when sugar prices were high. UPA II, towards the end of its term, abolished the 10% levy on sugar and controlled release mechanism under which the Union food ministry decided the quantity of sugar to be sold by each mill every month. At one stroke, the sugar division in the food ministry lost its lordship over sugar mills. It is an irony that there is now a proposal to bring back stock limits on sugar and again allow the government to decide how much sugar a mill can sell each month.<br /><br />Please <a href="https://www.livemint.com/Opinion/ZPbRVsb1meIrCBCYBnsTIJ/The-wait-for-deep-agricultural-reforms.html" title="https://www.livemint.com/Opinion/ZPbRVsb1meIrCBCYBnsTIJ/The-wait-for-deep-agricultural-reforms.html">click here</a> to read more.</div>               </font>
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-Livemint.com&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;While there are several creditable achievements, it is the deeper structural reforms where expectations from a strong government have not been met&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Amidst expectations of a magical transformation of the Indian economy, the Narendra Modi government took over the reins in May 2014. During the election campaign, people were led to believe that the Gujarat model of agricultural development, which delivered 8% growth in agriculture during fiscal years 2003-14, would be replicated in the country. Out of the government&amp;rsquo;s four years , FY15 and FY16 were affected by drought and it did well to manage the crisis. A number of welcome initiatives have been launched in the last four years, including schemes for crop insurance, irrigation, soil testing, electronic national agricultural market (e-NAM), and use of Aadhaar for the public distribution system (PDS) and purchase of fertilizer. While there are several creditable achievements, it is the deeper structural reforms where expectations from a &amp;ldquo;strong&amp;rdquo; government have not been met.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Helped by a downturn in the global prices of petroleum and commodities, the government took pro-active measures to rein in food inflation, which was 6.64% during United Progressive Alliance (UPA) I and 12.2% in UPA II. These included release of wheat and rice from government stocks, restrictions on exports, small increases in minimum support prices (MSP) (except pulses), raids on traders under the Essential Commodities Act, and even income-tax investigations. The states giving bonus on wheat and paddy were told to discontinue it. In order to reduce excessive procurement of rice, the 50% levy on rice mills was also abolished.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In August 2014, it set up a committee under Shanta Kumar to recommend restructuring of the Food Corporation of India (FCI). This made far-reaching recommendations about agriculture policy, subsidies on food and fertilizers, and the role of FCI. It recommended that coverage of beneficiaries under PDS be reduced from 67% to 40% and cash transfers introduced instead of foodgrains in cities with a population of more than one million. In the case of fertilizers, the committee recommended deregulation and payment of subsidy to farmers through direct benefit transfers (DBT). With the aggressive posturing by the ruling party vis-a-vis the opposition, there was hardly any possibility of opposition-ruled states agreeing to such reforms but the government did not make any serious effort to persuade even the National Democratic Alliance (NDA)-ruled states to go for DBTs for PDS , even in food-surplus regions. Similarly, there was no effort to deregulate urea prices and transfer subsidy to farmers directly. Aadhaar-based sale of foodgrains and fertilizer is only a small step towards reform of the subsidy regime. Similarly, free electricity continues to cause excessive drawal of underground water in several states. No serious effort was made to persuade states to transfer electricity subsidy through DBT.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Sugar is another sector where the government had the benefit of the C. Rangarajan committee report, which had recommended a revenue-sharing formula under which 70-75% of the revenue of sugar mills from sugar and by-products would be shared with farmers. If sugar prices were low, farmers would still be guaranteed fair and remunerative prices (FRPs) fixed by the Centre. If they were high, farmers stood to benefit. But it was possible to build a consensus on this reform only when sugar prices were high. UPA II, towards the end of its term, abolished the 10% levy on sugar and controlled release mechanism under which the Union food ministry decided the quantity of sugar to be sold by each mill every month. At one stroke, the sugar division in the food ministry lost its lordship over sugar mills. It is an irony that there is now a proposal to bring back stock limits on sugar and again allow the government to decide how much sugar a mill can sell each month.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.livemint.com/Opinion/ZPbRVsb1meIrCBCYBnsTIJ/The-wait-for-deep-agricultural-reforms.html&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more.
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-Livemint.com

While there are several creditable achievements, it is the deeper structural reforms where expectations from a strong government have not been met

Amidst expectations of a magical transformation of the Indian economy, the Narendra Modi government took over the reins in...&#039;,
	&#039;disp&#039; =&gt; &#039;&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;-Livemint.com&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;While there are several creditable achievements, it is the deeper structural reforms where expectations from a strong government have not been met&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Amidst expectations of a magical transformation of the Indian economy, the Narendra Modi government took over the reins in May 2014. During the election campaign, people were led to believe that the Gujarat model of agricultural development, which delivered 8% growth in agriculture during fiscal years 2003-14, would be replicated in the country. Out of the government&amp;rsquo;s four years , FY15 and FY16 were affected by drought and it did well to manage the crisis. A number of welcome initiatives have been launched in the last four years, including schemes for crop insurance, irrigation, soil testing, electronic national agricultural market (e-NAM), and use of Aadhaar for the public distribution system (PDS) and purchase of fertilizer. While there are several creditable achievements, it is the deeper structural reforms where expectations from a &amp;ldquo;strong&amp;rdquo; government have not been met.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Helped by a downturn in the global prices of petroleum and commodities, the government took pro-active measures to rein in food inflation, which was 6.64% during United Progressive Alliance (UPA) I and 12.2% in UPA II. These included release of wheat and rice from government stocks, restrictions on exports, small increases in minimum support prices (MSP) (except pulses), raids on traders under the Essential Commodities Act, and even income-tax investigations. The states giving bonus on wheat and paddy were told to discontinue it. In order to reduce excessive procurement of rice, the 50% levy on rice mills was also abolished.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In August 2014, it set up a committee under Shanta Kumar to recommend restructuring of the Food Corporation of India (FCI). This made far-reaching recommendations about agriculture policy, subsidies on food and fertilizers, and the role of FCI. It recommended that coverage of beneficiaries under PDS be reduced from 67% to 40% and cash transfers introduced instead of foodgrains in cities with a population of more than one million. In the case of fertilizers, the committee recommended deregulation and payment of subsidy to farmers through direct benefit transfers (DBT). With the aggressive posturing by the ruling party vis-a-vis the opposition, there was hardly any possibility of opposition-ruled states agreeing to such reforms but the government did not make any serious effort to persuade even the National Democratic Alliance (NDA)-ruled states to go for DBTs for PDS , even in food-surplus regions. Similarly, there was no effort to deregulate urea prices and transfer subsidy to farmers directly. Aadhaar-based sale of foodgrains and fertilizer is only a small step towards reform of the subsidy regime. Similarly, free electricity continues to cause excessive drawal of underground water in several states. No serious effort was made to persuade states to transfer electricity subsidy through DBT.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Sugar is another sector where the government had the benefit of the C. Rangarajan committee report, which had recommended a revenue-sharing formula under which 70-75% of the revenue of sugar mills from sugar and by-products would be shared with farmers. If sugar prices were low, farmers would still be guaranteed fair and remunerative prices (FRPs) fixed by the Centre. If they were high, farmers stood to benefit. But it was possible to build a consensus on this reform only when sugar prices were high. UPA II, towards the end of its term, abolished the 10% levy on sugar and controlled release mechanism under which the Union food ministry decided the quantity of sugar to be sold by each mill every month. At one stroke, the sugar division in the food ministry lost its lordship over sugar mills. It is an irony that there is now a proposal to bring back stock limits on sugar and again allow the government to decide how much sugar a mill can sell each month.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.livemint.com/Opinion/ZPbRVsb1meIrCBCYBnsTIJ/The-wait-for-deep-agricultural-reforms.html&quot; title=&quot;https://www.livemint.com/Opinion/ZPbRVsb1meIrCBCYBnsTIJ/The-wait-for-deep-agricultural-reforms.html&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more.&lt;/div&gt;&#039;,
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-Livemint.com&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;While there are several creditable achievements, it is the deeper structural reforms where expectations from a strong government have not been met&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Amidst expectations of a magical transformation of the Indian economy, the Narendra Modi government took over the reins in May 2014. During the election campaign, people were led to believe that the Gujarat model of agricultural development, which delivered 8% growth in agriculture during fiscal years 2003-14, would be replicated in the country. Out of the government&amp;rsquo;s four years , FY15 and FY16 were affected by drought and it did well to manage the crisis. A number of welcome initiatives have been launched in the last four years, including schemes for crop insurance, irrigation, soil testing, electronic national agricultural market (e-NAM), and use of Aadhaar for the public distribution system (PDS) and purchase of fertilizer. While there are several creditable achievements, it is the deeper structural reforms where expectations from a &amp;ldquo;strong&amp;rdquo; government have not been met.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Helped by a downturn in the global prices of petroleum and commodities, the government took pro-active measures to rein in food inflation, which was 6.64% during United Progressive Alliance (UPA) I and 12.2% in UPA II. These included release of wheat and rice from government stocks, restrictions on exports, small increases in minimum support prices (MSP) (except pulses), raids on traders under the Essential Commodities Act, and even income-tax investigations. The states giving bonus on wheat and paddy were told to discontinue it. In order to reduce excessive procurement of rice, the 50% levy on rice mills was also abolished.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In August 2014, it set up a committee under Shanta Kumar to recommend restructuring of the Food Corporation of India (FCI). This made far-reaching recommendations about agriculture policy, subsidies on food and fertilizers, and the role of FCI. It recommended that coverage of beneficiaries under PDS be reduced from 67% to 40% and cash transfers introduced instead of foodgrains in cities with a population of more than one million. In the case of fertilizers, the committee recommended deregulation and payment of subsidy to farmers through direct benefit transfers (DBT). With the aggressive posturing by the ruling party vis-a-vis the opposition, there was hardly any possibility of opposition-ruled states agreeing to such reforms but the government did not make any serious effort to persuade even the National Democratic Alliance (NDA)-ruled states to go for DBTs for PDS , even in food-surplus regions. Similarly, there was no effort to deregulate urea prices and transfer subsidy to farmers directly. Aadhaar-based sale of foodgrains and fertilizer is only a small step towards reform of the subsidy regime. Similarly, free electricity continues to cause excessive drawal of underground water in several states. No serious effort was made to persuade states to transfer electricity subsidy through DBT.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Sugar is another sector where the government had the benefit of the C. Rangarajan committee report, which had recommended a revenue-sharing formula under which 70-75% of the revenue of sugar mills from sugar and by-products would be shared with farmers. If sugar prices were low, farmers would still be guaranteed fair and remunerative prices (FRPs) fixed by the Centre. If they were high, farmers stood to benefit. But it was possible to build a consensus on this reform only when sugar prices were high. UPA II, towards the end of its term, abolished the 10% levy on sugar and controlled release mechanism under which the Union food ministry decided the quantity of sugar to be sold by each mill every month. At one stroke, the sugar division in the food ministry lost its lordship over sugar mills. It is an irony that there is now a proposal to bring back stock limits on sugar and again allow the government to decide how much sugar a mill can sell each month.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.livemint.com/Opinion/ZPbRVsb1meIrCBCYBnsTIJ/The-wait-for-deep-agricultural-reforms.html&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more.
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While there are several creditable achievements, it is the deeper structural reforms where expectations from a strong government have not been met

Amidst expectations of a magical transformation of the Indian economy, the Narendra Modi government took over the reins in...&#039;
$disp = &#039;&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;-Livemint.com&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;While there are several creditable achievements, it is the deeper structural reforms where expectations from a strong government have not been met&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Amidst expectations of a magical transformation of the Indian economy, the Narendra Modi government took over the reins in May 2014. During the election campaign, people were led to believe that the Gujarat model of agricultural development, which delivered 8% growth in agriculture during fiscal years 2003-14, would be replicated in the country. Out of the government&amp;rsquo;s four years , FY15 and FY16 were affected by drought and it did well to manage the crisis. A number of welcome initiatives have been launched in the last four years, including schemes for crop insurance, irrigation, soil testing, electronic national agricultural market (e-NAM), and use of Aadhaar for the public distribution system (PDS) and purchase of fertilizer. While there are several creditable achievements, it is the deeper structural reforms where expectations from a &amp;ldquo;strong&amp;rdquo; government have not been met.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Helped by a downturn in the global prices of petroleum and commodities, the government took pro-active measures to rein in food inflation, which was 6.64% during United Progressive Alliance (UPA) I and 12.2% in UPA II. These included release of wheat and rice from government stocks, restrictions on exports, small increases in minimum support prices (MSP) (except pulses), raids on traders under the Essential Commodities Act, and even income-tax investigations. The states giving bonus on wheat and paddy were told to discontinue it. In order to reduce excessive procurement of rice, the 50% levy on rice mills was also abolished.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In August 2014, it set up a committee under Shanta Kumar to recommend restructuring of the Food Corporation of India (FCI). This made far-reaching recommendations about agriculture policy, subsidies on food and fertilizers, and the role of FCI. It recommended that coverage of beneficiaries under PDS be reduced from 67% to 40% and cash transfers introduced instead of foodgrains in cities with a population of more than one million. In the case of fertilizers, the committee recommended deregulation and payment of subsidy to farmers through direct benefit transfers (DBT). With the aggressive posturing by the ruling party vis-a-vis the opposition, there was hardly any possibility of opposition-ruled states agreeing to such reforms but the government did not make any serious effort to persuade even the National Democratic Alliance (NDA)-ruled states to go for DBTs for PDS , even in food-surplus regions. Similarly, there was no effort to deregulate urea prices and transfer subsidy to farmers directly. Aadhaar-based sale of foodgrains and fertilizer is only a small step towards reform of the subsidy regime. Similarly, free electricity continues to cause excessive drawal of underground water in several states. No serious effort was made to persuade states to transfer electricity subsidy through DBT.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Sugar is another sector where the government had the benefit of the C. Rangarajan committee report, which had recommended a revenue-sharing formula under which 70-75% of the revenue of sugar mills from sugar and by-products would be shared with farmers. If sugar prices were low, farmers would still be guaranteed fair and remunerative prices (FRPs) fixed by the Centre. If they were high, farmers stood to benefit. But it was possible to build a consensus on this reform only when sugar prices were high. UPA II, towards the end of its term, abolished the 10% levy on sugar and controlled release mechanism under which the Union food ministry decided the quantity of sugar to be sold by each mill every month. At one stroke, the sugar division in the food ministry lost its lordship over sugar mills. It is an irony that there is now a proposal to bring back stock limits on sugar and again allow the government to decide how much sugar a mill can sell each month.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.livemint.com/Opinion/ZPbRVsb1meIrCBCYBnsTIJ/The-wait-for-deep-agricultural-reforms.html&quot; title=&quot;https://www.livemint.com/Opinion/ZPbRVsb1meIrCBCYBnsTIJ/The-wait-for-deep-agricultural-reforms.html&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more.&lt;/div&gt;&#039;
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                <strong>The wait for deep agricultural reforms -Siraj Hussain</strong></h1>
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                <div align="justify">-Livemint.com<br /><br /><em>While there are several creditable achievements, it is the deeper structural reforms where expectations from a strong government have not been met<br /></em><br />Amidst expectations of a magical transformation of the Indian economy, the Narendra Modi government took over the reins in May 2014. During the election campaign, people were led to believe that the Gujarat model of agricultural development, which delivered 8% growth in agriculture during fiscal years 2003-14, would be replicated in the country. Out of the government&rsquo;s four years , FY15 and FY16 were affected by drought and it did well to manage the crisis. A number of welcome initiatives have been launched in the last four years, including schemes for crop insurance, irrigation, soil testing, electronic national agricultural market (e-NAM), and use of Aadhaar for the public distribution system (PDS) and purchase of fertilizer. While there are several creditable achievements, it is the deeper structural reforms where expectations from a &ldquo;strong&rdquo; government have not been met.<br /><br />Helped by a downturn in the global prices of petroleum and commodities, the government took pro-active measures to rein in food inflation, which was 6.64% during United Progressive Alliance (UPA) I and 12.2% in UPA II. These included release of wheat and rice from government stocks, restrictions on exports, small increases in minimum support prices (MSP) (except pulses), raids on traders under the Essential Commodities Act, and even income-tax investigations. The states giving bonus on wheat and paddy were told to discontinue it. In order to reduce excessive procurement of rice, the 50% levy on rice mills was also abolished.<br /><br />In August 2014, it set up a committee under Shanta Kumar to recommend restructuring of the Food Corporation of India (FCI). This made far-reaching recommendations about agriculture policy, subsidies on food and fertilizers, and the role of FCI. It recommended that coverage of beneficiaries under PDS be reduced from 67% to 40% and cash transfers introduced instead of foodgrains in cities with a population of more than one million. In the case of fertilizers, the committee recommended deregulation and payment of subsidy to farmers through direct benefit transfers (DBT). With the aggressive posturing by the ruling party vis-a-vis the opposition, there was hardly any possibility of opposition-ruled states agreeing to such reforms but the government did not make any serious effort to persuade even the National Democratic Alliance (NDA)-ruled states to go for DBTs for PDS , even in food-surplus regions. Similarly, there was no effort to deregulate urea prices and transfer subsidy to farmers directly. Aadhaar-based sale of foodgrains and fertilizer is only a small step towards reform of the subsidy regime. Similarly, free electricity continues to cause excessive drawal of underground water in several states. No serious effort was made to persuade states to transfer electricity subsidy through DBT.<br /><br />Sugar is another sector where the government had the benefit of the C. Rangarajan committee report, which had recommended a revenue-sharing formula under which 70-75% of the revenue of sugar mills from sugar and by-products would be shared with farmers. If sugar prices were low, farmers would still be guaranteed fair and remunerative prices (FRPs) fixed by the Centre. If they were high, farmers stood to benefit. But it was possible to build a consensus on this reform only when sugar prices were high. UPA II, towards the end of its term, abolished the 10% levy on sugar and controlled release mechanism under which the Union food ministry decided the quantity of sugar to be sold by each mill every month. At one stroke, the sugar division in the food ministry lost its lordship over sugar mills. It is an irony that there is now a proposal to bring back stock limits on sugar and again allow the government to decide how much sugar a mill can sell each month.<br /><br />Please <a href="https://www.livemint.com/Opinion/ZPbRVsb1meIrCBCYBnsTIJ/The-wait-for-deep-agricultural-reforms.html" title="https://www.livemint.com/Opinion/ZPbRVsb1meIrCBCYBnsTIJ/The-wait-for-deep-agricultural-reforms.html">click here</a> to read more.</div>               </font>
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		'title' => 'The wait for deep agricultural reforms -Siraj Hussain',
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-Livemint.com<br />
<br />
<em>While there are several creditable achievements, it is the deeper structural reforms where expectations from a strong government have not been met<br />
</em><br />
Amidst expectations of a magical transformation of the Indian economy, the Narendra Modi government took over the reins in May 2014. During the election campaign, people were led to believe that the Gujarat model of agricultural development, which delivered 8% growth in agriculture during fiscal years 2003-14, would be replicated in the country. Out of the government&rsquo;s four years , FY15 and FY16 were affected by drought and it did well to manage the crisis. A number of welcome initiatives have been launched in the last four years, including schemes for crop insurance, irrigation, soil testing, electronic national agricultural market (e-NAM), and use of Aadhaar for the public distribution system (PDS) and purchase of fertilizer. While there are several creditable achievements, it is the deeper structural reforms where expectations from a &ldquo;strong&rdquo; government have not been met.<br />
<br />
Helped by a downturn in the global prices of petroleum and commodities, the government took pro-active measures to rein in food inflation, which was 6.64% during United Progressive Alliance (UPA) I and 12.2% in UPA II. These included release of wheat and rice from government stocks, restrictions on exports, small increases in minimum support prices (MSP) (except pulses), raids on traders under the Essential Commodities Act, and even income-tax investigations. The states giving bonus on wheat and paddy were told to discontinue it. In order to reduce excessive procurement of rice, the 50% levy on rice mills was also abolished.<br />
<br />
In August 2014, it set up a committee under Shanta Kumar to recommend restructuring of the Food Corporation of India (FCI). This made far-reaching recommendations about agriculture policy, subsidies on food and fertilizers, and the role of FCI. It recommended that coverage of beneficiaries under PDS be reduced from 67% to 40% and cash transfers introduced instead of foodgrains in cities with a population of more than one million. In the case of fertilizers, the committee recommended deregulation and payment of subsidy to farmers through direct benefit transfers (DBT). With the aggressive posturing by the ruling party vis-a-vis the opposition, there was hardly any possibility of opposition-ruled states agreeing to such reforms but the government did not make any serious effort to persuade even the National Democratic Alliance (NDA)-ruled states to go for DBTs for PDS , even in food-surplus regions. Similarly, there was no effort to deregulate urea prices and transfer subsidy to farmers directly. Aadhaar-based sale of foodgrains and fertilizer is only a small step towards reform of the subsidy regime. Similarly, free electricity continues to cause excessive drawal of underground water in several states. No serious effort was made to persuade states to transfer electricity subsidy through DBT.<br />
<br />
Sugar is another sector where the government had the benefit of the C. Rangarajan committee report, which had recommended a revenue-sharing formula under which 70-75% of the revenue of sugar mills from sugar and by-products would be shared with farmers. If sugar prices were low, farmers would still be guaranteed fair and remunerative prices (FRPs) fixed by the Centre. If they were high, farmers stood to benefit. But it was possible to build a consensus on this reform only when sugar prices were high. UPA II, towards the end of its term, abolished the 10% levy on sugar and controlled release mechanism under which the Union food ministry decided the quantity of sugar to be sold by each mill every month. At one stroke, the sugar division in the food ministry lost its lordship over sugar mills. It is an irony that there is now a proposal to bring back stock limits on sugar and again allow the government to decide how much sugar a mill can sell each month.<br />
<br />
Please <a href="https://www.livemint.com/Opinion/ZPbRVsb1meIrCBCYBnsTIJ/The-wait-for-deep-agricultural-reforms.html">click here</a> to read more.
</div>',
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-Livemint.com

While there are several creditable achievements, it is the deeper structural reforms where expectations from a strong government have not been met

Amidst expectations of a magical transformation of the Indian economy, the Narendra Modi government took over the reins in...',
	'disp' => '<div align="justify">-Livemint.com<br /><br /><em>While there are several creditable achievements, it is the deeper structural reforms where expectations from a strong government have not been met<br /></em><br />Amidst expectations of a magical transformation of the Indian economy, the Narendra Modi government took over the reins in May 2014. During the election campaign, people were led to believe that the Gujarat model of agricultural development, which delivered 8% growth in agriculture during fiscal years 2003-14, would be replicated in the country. Out of the government&rsquo;s four years , FY15 and FY16 were affected by drought and it did well to manage the crisis. A number of welcome initiatives have been launched in the last four years, including schemes for crop insurance, irrigation, soil testing, electronic national agricultural market (e-NAM), and use of Aadhaar for the public distribution system (PDS) and purchase of fertilizer. While there are several creditable achievements, it is the deeper structural reforms where expectations from a &ldquo;strong&rdquo; government have not been met.<br /><br />Helped by a downturn in the global prices of petroleum and commodities, the government took pro-active measures to rein in food inflation, which was 6.64% during United Progressive Alliance (UPA) I and 12.2% in UPA II. These included release of wheat and rice from government stocks, restrictions on exports, small increases in minimum support prices (MSP) (except pulses), raids on traders under the Essential Commodities Act, and even income-tax investigations. The states giving bonus on wheat and paddy were told to discontinue it. In order to reduce excessive procurement of rice, the 50% levy on rice mills was also abolished.<br /><br />In August 2014, it set up a committee under Shanta Kumar to recommend restructuring of the Food Corporation of India (FCI). This made far-reaching recommendations about agriculture policy, subsidies on food and fertilizers, and the role of FCI. It recommended that coverage of beneficiaries under PDS be reduced from 67% to 40% and cash transfers introduced instead of foodgrains in cities with a population of more than one million. In the case of fertilizers, the committee recommended deregulation and payment of subsidy to farmers through direct benefit transfers (DBT). With the aggressive posturing by the ruling party vis-a-vis the opposition, there was hardly any possibility of opposition-ruled states agreeing to such reforms but the government did not make any serious effort to persuade even the National Democratic Alliance (NDA)-ruled states to go for DBTs for PDS , even in food-surplus regions. Similarly, there was no effort to deregulate urea prices and transfer subsidy to farmers directly. Aadhaar-based sale of foodgrains and fertilizer is only a small step towards reform of the subsidy regime. Similarly, free electricity continues to cause excessive drawal of underground water in several states. No serious effort was made to persuade states to transfer electricity subsidy through DBT.<br /><br />Sugar is another sector where the government had the benefit of the C. Rangarajan committee report, which had recommended a revenue-sharing formula under which 70-75% of the revenue of sugar mills from sugar and by-products would be shared with farmers. If sugar prices were low, farmers would still be guaranteed fair and remunerative prices (FRPs) fixed by the Centre. If they were high, farmers stood to benefit. But it was possible to build a consensus on this reform only when sugar prices were high. UPA II, towards the end of its term, abolished the 10% levy on sugar and controlled release mechanism under which the Union food ministry decided the quantity of sugar to be sold by each mill every month. At one stroke, the sugar division in the food ministry lost its lordship over sugar mills. It is an irony that there is now a proposal to bring back stock limits on sugar and again allow the government to decide how much sugar a mill can sell each month.<br /><br />Please <a href="https://www.livemint.com/Opinion/ZPbRVsb1meIrCBCYBnsTIJ/The-wait-for-deep-agricultural-reforms.html" title="https://www.livemint.com/Opinion/ZPbRVsb1meIrCBCYBnsTIJ/The-wait-for-deep-agricultural-reforms.html">click here</a> to read more.</div>',
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-Livemint.com<br />
<br />
<em>While there are several creditable achievements, it is the deeper structural reforms where expectations from a strong government have not been met<br />
</em><br />
Amidst expectations of a magical transformation of the Indian economy, the Narendra Modi government took over the reins in May 2014. During the election campaign, people were led to believe that the Gujarat model of agricultural development, which delivered 8% growth in agriculture during fiscal years 2003-14, would be replicated in the country. Out of the government&rsquo;s four years , FY15 and FY16 were affected by drought and it did well to manage the crisis. A number of welcome initiatives have been launched in the last four years, including schemes for crop insurance, irrigation, soil testing, electronic national agricultural market (e-NAM), and use of Aadhaar for the public distribution system (PDS) and purchase of fertilizer. While there are several creditable achievements, it is the deeper structural reforms where expectations from a &ldquo;strong&rdquo; government have not been met.<br />
<br />
Helped by a downturn in the global prices of petroleum and commodities, the government took pro-active measures to rein in food inflation, which was 6.64% during United Progressive Alliance (UPA) I and 12.2% in UPA II. These included release of wheat and rice from government stocks, restrictions on exports, small increases in minimum support prices (MSP) (except pulses), raids on traders under the Essential Commodities Act, and even income-tax investigations. The states giving bonus on wheat and paddy were told to discontinue it. In order to reduce excessive procurement of rice, the 50% levy on rice mills was also abolished.<br />
<br />
In August 2014, it set up a committee under Shanta Kumar to recommend restructuring of the Food Corporation of India (FCI). This made far-reaching recommendations about agriculture policy, subsidies on food and fertilizers, and the role of FCI. It recommended that coverage of beneficiaries under PDS be reduced from 67% to 40% and cash transfers introduced instead of foodgrains in cities with a population of more than one million. In the case of fertilizers, the committee recommended deregulation and payment of subsidy to farmers through direct benefit transfers (DBT). With the aggressive posturing by the ruling party vis-a-vis the opposition, there was hardly any possibility of opposition-ruled states agreeing to such reforms but the government did not make any serious effort to persuade even the National Democratic Alliance (NDA)-ruled states to go for DBTs for PDS , even in food-surplus regions. Similarly, there was no effort to deregulate urea prices and transfer subsidy to farmers directly. Aadhaar-based sale of foodgrains and fertilizer is only a small step towards reform of the subsidy regime. Similarly, free electricity continues to cause excessive drawal of underground water in several states. No serious effort was made to persuade states to transfer electricity subsidy through DBT.<br />
<br />
Sugar is another sector where the government had the benefit of the C. Rangarajan committee report, which had recommended a revenue-sharing formula under which 70-75% of the revenue of sugar mills from sugar and by-products would be shared with farmers. If sugar prices were low, farmers would still be guaranteed fair and remunerative prices (FRPs) fixed by the Centre. If they were high, farmers stood to benefit. But it was possible to build a consensus on this reform only when sugar prices were high. UPA II, towards the end of its term, abolished the 10% levy on sugar and controlled release mechanism under which the Union food ministry decided the quantity of sugar to be sold by each mill every month. At one stroke, the sugar division in the food ministry lost its lordship over sugar mills. It is an irony that there is now a proposal to bring back stock limits on sugar and again allow the government to decide how much sugar a mill can sell each month.<br />
<br />
Please <a href="https://www.livemint.com/Opinion/ZPbRVsb1meIrCBCYBnsTIJ/The-wait-for-deep-agricultural-reforms.html">click here</a> to read more.
</div>',
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-Livemint.com

While there are several creditable achievements, it is the deeper structural reforms where expectations from a strong government have not been met

Amidst expectations of a magical transformation of the Indian economy, the Narendra Modi government took over the reins in...'
$disp = '<div align="justify">-Livemint.com<br /><br /><em>While there are several creditable achievements, it is the deeper structural reforms where expectations from a strong government have not been met<br /></em><br />Amidst expectations of a magical transformation of the Indian economy, the Narendra Modi government took over the reins in May 2014. During the election campaign, people were led to believe that the Gujarat model of agricultural development, which delivered 8% growth in agriculture during fiscal years 2003-14, would be replicated in the country. Out of the government&rsquo;s four years , FY15 and FY16 were affected by drought and it did well to manage the crisis. A number of welcome initiatives have been launched in the last four years, including schemes for crop insurance, irrigation, soil testing, electronic national agricultural market (e-NAM), and use of Aadhaar for the public distribution system (PDS) and purchase of fertilizer. While there are several creditable achievements, it is the deeper structural reforms where expectations from a &ldquo;strong&rdquo; government have not been met.<br /><br />Helped by a downturn in the global prices of petroleum and commodities, the government took pro-active measures to rein in food inflation, which was 6.64% during United Progressive Alliance (UPA) I and 12.2% in UPA II. These included release of wheat and rice from government stocks, restrictions on exports, small increases in minimum support prices (MSP) (except pulses), raids on traders under the Essential Commodities Act, and even income-tax investigations. The states giving bonus on wheat and paddy were told to discontinue it. In order to reduce excessive procurement of rice, the 50% levy on rice mills was also abolished.<br /><br />In August 2014, it set up a committee under Shanta Kumar to recommend restructuring of the Food Corporation of India (FCI). This made far-reaching recommendations about agriculture policy, subsidies on food and fertilizers, and the role of FCI. It recommended that coverage of beneficiaries under PDS be reduced from 67% to 40% and cash transfers introduced instead of foodgrains in cities with a population of more than one million. In the case of fertilizers, the committee recommended deregulation and payment of subsidy to farmers through direct benefit transfers (DBT). With the aggressive posturing by the ruling party vis-a-vis the opposition, there was hardly any possibility of opposition-ruled states agreeing to such reforms but the government did not make any serious effort to persuade even the National Democratic Alliance (NDA)-ruled states to go for DBTs for PDS , even in food-surplus regions. Similarly, there was no effort to deregulate urea prices and transfer subsidy to farmers directly. Aadhaar-based sale of foodgrains and fertilizer is only a small step towards reform of the subsidy regime. Similarly, free electricity continues to cause excessive drawal of underground water in several states. No serious effort was made to persuade states to transfer electricity subsidy through DBT.<br /><br />Sugar is another sector where the government had the benefit of the C. Rangarajan committee report, which had recommended a revenue-sharing formula under which 70-75% of the revenue of sugar mills from sugar and by-products would be shared with farmers. If sugar prices were low, farmers would still be guaranteed fair and remunerative prices (FRPs) fixed by the Centre. If they were high, farmers stood to benefit. But it was possible to build a consensus on this reform only when sugar prices were high. UPA II, towards the end of its term, abolished the 10% levy on sugar and controlled release mechanism under which the Union food ministry decided the quantity of sugar to be sold by each mill every month. At one stroke, the sugar division in the food ministry lost its lordship over sugar mills. It is an irony that there is now a proposal to bring back stock limits on sugar and again allow the government to decide how much sugar a mill can sell each month.<br /><br />Please <a href="https://www.livemint.com/Opinion/ZPbRVsb1meIrCBCYBnsTIJ/The-wait-for-deep-agricultural-reforms.html" title="https://www.livemint.com/Opinion/ZPbRVsb1meIrCBCYBnsTIJ/The-wait-for-deep-agricultural-reforms.html">click here</a> to read more.</div>'
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The wait for deep agricultural reforms -Siraj Hussain

-Livemint.com While there are several creditable achievements, it is the deeper structural reforms where expectations from a strong government have not been met Amidst expectations of a magical transformation of the Indian economy, the Narendra Modi government took over the reins in May 2014. During the election campaign, people were led to believe that the Gujarat model of agricultural development, which delivered 8% growth in agriculture during fiscal years 2003-14, would be replicated in the country. Out of the government’s four years , FY15 and FY16 were affected by drought and it did well to manage the crisis. A number of welcome initiatives have been launched in the last four years, including schemes for crop insurance, irrigation, soil testing, electronic national agricultural market (e-NAM), and use of Aadhaar for the public distribution system (PDS) and purchase of fertilizer. While there are several creditable achievements, it is the deeper structural reforms where expectations from a “strong” government have not been met. Helped by a downturn in the global prices of petroleum and commodities, the government took pro-active measures to rein in food inflation, which was 6.64% during United Progressive Alliance (UPA) I and 12.2% in UPA II. These included release of wheat and rice from government stocks, restrictions on exports, small increases in minimum support prices (MSP) (except pulses), raids on traders under the Essential Commodities Act, and even income-tax investigations. The states giving bonus on wheat and paddy were told to discontinue it. In order to reduce excessive procurement of rice, the 50% levy on rice mills was also abolished. In August 2014, it set up a committee under Shanta Kumar to recommend restructuring of the Food Corporation of India (FCI). This made far-reaching recommendations about agriculture policy, subsidies on food and fertilizers, and the role of FCI. It recommended that coverage of beneficiaries under PDS be reduced from 67% to 40% and cash transfers introduced instead of foodgrains in cities with a population of more than one million. In the case of fertilizers, the committee recommended deregulation and payment of subsidy to farmers through direct benefit transfers (DBT). With the aggressive posturing by the ruling party vis-a-vis the opposition, there was hardly any possibility of opposition-ruled states agreeing to such reforms but the government did not make any serious effort to persuade even the National Democratic Alliance (NDA)-ruled states to go for DBTs for PDS , even in food-surplus regions. Similarly, there was no effort to deregulate urea prices and transfer subsidy to farmers directly. Aadhaar-based sale of foodgrains and fertilizer is only a small step towards reform of the subsidy regime. Similarly, free electricity continues to cause excessive drawal of underground water in several states. No serious effort was made to persuade states to transfer electricity subsidy through DBT. Sugar is another sector where the government had the benefit of the C. Rangarajan committee report, which had recommended a revenue-sharing formula under which 70-75% of the revenue of sugar mills from sugar and by-products would be shared with farmers. If sugar prices were low, farmers would still be guaranteed fair and remunerative prices (FRPs) fixed by the Centre. If they were high, farmers stood to benefit. But it was possible to build a consensus on this reform only when sugar prices were high. UPA II, towards the end of its term, abolished the 10% levy on sugar and controlled release mechanism under which the Union food ministry decided the quantity of sugar to be sold by each mill every month. At one stroke, the sugar division in the food ministry lost its lordship over sugar mills. It is an irony that there is now a proposal to bring back stock limits on sugar and again allow the government to decide how much sugar a mill can sell each month. Please click here to read more.