Deprecated (16384): The ArrayAccess methods will be removed in 4.0.0.Use getParam(), getData() and getQuery() instead. - /home/brlfuser/public_html/src/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line: 73
 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php. [CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311]
Code Context


        trigger_error($message, E_USER_DEPRECATED);

    }
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 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php.'
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deprecationWarning - CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311
Cake\Http\ServerRequest::offsetGet() - CORE/src/Http/ServerRequest.php, line 2421
App\Controller\ArtileDetailController::printArticle() - APP/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line 73
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Cake\Http\ActionDispatcher::_invoke() - CORE/src/Http/ActionDispatcher.php, line 120
Cake\Http\ActionDispatcher::dispatch() - CORE/src/Http/ActionDispatcher.php, line 94
Cake\Http\BaseApplication::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/BaseApplication.php, line 235
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
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Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
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Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Error\Middleware\ErrorHandlerMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Error/Middleware/ErrorHandlerMiddleware.php, line 96
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Http\Runner::run() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 51
Cake\Http\Server::run() - CORE/src/Http/Server.php, line 98

Deprecated (16384): The ArrayAccess methods will be removed in 4.0.0.Use getParam(), getData() and getQuery() instead. - /home/brlfuser/public_html/src/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line: 74
 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php. [CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311]
Code Context


        trigger_error($message, E_USER_DEPRECATED);

    }
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 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php.'
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deprecationWarning - CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311
Cake\Http\ServerRequest::offsetGet() - CORE/src/Http/ServerRequest.php, line 2421
App\Controller\ArtileDetailController::printArticle() - APP/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line 74
Cake\Controller\Controller::invokeAction() - CORE/src/Controller/Controller.php, line 610
Cake\Http\ActionDispatcher::_invoke() - CORE/src/Http/ActionDispatcher.php, line 120
Cake\Http\ActionDispatcher::dispatch() - CORE/src/Http/ActionDispatcher.php, line 94
Cake\Http\BaseApplication::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/BaseApplication.php, line 235
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Routing\Middleware\RoutingMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Routing/Middleware/RoutingMiddleware.php, line 162
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Routing\Middleware\AssetMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Routing/Middleware/AssetMiddleware.php, line 88
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Error\Middleware\ErrorHandlerMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Error/Middleware/ErrorHandlerMiddleware.php, line 96
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Http\Runner::run() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 51
Cake\Http\Server::run() - CORE/src/Http/Server.php, line 98

Warning (512): Unable to emit headers. Headers sent in file=/home/brlfuser/public_html/vendor/cakephp/cakephp/src/Error/Debugger.php line=853 [CORE/src/Http/ResponseEmitter.php, line 48]
Code Context
            if (Configure::read('debug')) {

                trigger_error($message, E_USER_WARNING);

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&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;There have been no efforts to regularly compile and publish data on the social, economic and professional backgrounds of judges in either the higher or lower judiciary. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
The appointment of Indu Malhotra to the Supreme Court has rekindled the debate surrounding the &amp;lsquo;representativeness&amp;rsquo; of the judiciary. She is only the seventh woman to be appointed to the Supreme Court in the seven decades of its existence, and the first woman to be elevated from the Bar to the Court.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In India, the representation of socially-marginalised groups in both the higher and the lower judiciary remains dismal. Only about 10% of the judges in the high court are women. The percentage of women judges in the lower judiciary is pegged at 27%. When it comes to caste representation, the numbers fall more drastically. It is estimated that other backward classes constitute just 12% of the lower judiciary, which is significantly lesser than their actual population share estimated to be close to 40%. Dalits constitute 14%, which is a bit lesser than their population share of 16.6% as per the 2011 Census. Only judges belonging to the Scheduled Tribes constitute 12% of the lower judiciary figure, which is higher than their estimated population share of 8.6%.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Representativeness of public institutions, including the judiciary, is seen as an important goal in a constitutional democracy. A judiciary which reflects the composition of the society it serves enjoys a greater degree of legitimacy, as it signals an equality of opportunity for marginalised groups. However, systemic barriers prevent the entry of such persons into these institutions. To remedy this, certain countries have taken up a variety of measures.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In the UK, for example, a &amp;lsquo;Judicial Diversity Taskforce&amp;rsquo; was set up to oversee the implementation of recommendations to make the judiciary more inclusive. Separately, South Africa has a constitutional mandate to maintain a reflection of its social composition in its judiciary, which includes both racial and gender composition.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
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&lt;br /&gt;
Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://thewire.in/law/annual-diversity-statistics-judiciary&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more.
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&lt;br /&gt;
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&lt;br /&gt;
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There have been no efforts to regularly compile and publish data on the social, economic and professional backgrounds of judges in either the higher or lower judiciary. 

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                <strong>We Need Annual Diversity Statistics for the Judiciary -Diksha Sanyal</strong></h1>
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                <div align="justify">-TheWire.in<br /><br /><em>There have been no efforts to regularly compile and publish data on the social, economic and professional backgrounds of judges in either the higher or lower judiciary. <br /></em><br />The appointment of Indu Malhotra to the Supreme Court has rekindled the debate surrounding the &lsquo;representativeness&rsquo; of the judiciary. She is only the seventh woman to be appointed to the Supreme Court in the seven decades of its existence, and the first woman to be elevated from the Bar to the Court.<br /><br />In India, the representation of socially-marginalised groups in both the higher and the lower judiciary remains dismal. Only about 10% of the judges in the high court are women. The percentage of women judges in the lower judiciary is pegged at 27%. When it comes to caste representation, the numbers fall more drastically. It is estimated that other backward classes constitute just 12% of the lower judiciary, which is significantly lesser than their actual population share estimated to be close to 40%. Dalits constitute 14%, which is a bit lesser than their population share of 16.6% as per the 2011 Census. Only judges belonging to the Scheduled Tribes constitute 12% of the lower judiciary figure, which is higher than their estimated population share of 8.6%.<br /><br />Representativeness of public institutions, including the judiciary, is seen as an important goal in a constitutional democracy. A judiciary which reflects the composition of the society it serves enjoys a greater degree of legitimacy, as it signals an equality of opportunity for marginalised groups. However, systemic barriers prevent the entry of such persons into these institutions. To remedy this, certain countries have taken up a variety of measures.<br /><br />In the UK, for example, a &lsquo;Judicial Diversity Taskforce&rsquo; was set up to oversee the implementation of recommendations to make the judiciary more inclusive. Separately, South Africa has a constitutional mandate to maintain a reflection of its social composition in its judiciary, which includes both racial and gender composition.<br /><br />In India, however, the conversation around improving judicial diversity does not transcend the question of reservation. For instance, a 2011 report published by the National Commission for Scheduled Castes recommended affirmative action as the only way to fix the lack of representation in the higher judiciary. But there is little or no empirical evidence regarding the relative success of such a policy.<br /><br />In fact, the lack of empirical evidence has prevented policymakers to even fully comprehend the problem. There are no efforts to regularly compile and publish data on the social, economic and professional backgrounds of judges in either the higher or lower judiciary. Data collection, if at all, happens very unsystematically. It was only in response to questions asked in parliament in November 2017, that some data on the overall proportion of women judges in the lower judiciary was compiled and made public. Even this data was incomplete as it had not been compiled for all states. The Union minister of law and justice also clarified that this was not a regular exercise for the Central government.<br /><br />Please <a href="https://thewire.in/law/annual-diversity-statistics-judiciary" title="https://thewire.in/law/annual-diversity-statistics-judiciary">click here</a> to read more.</div>               </font>
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&lt;em&gt;There have been no efforts to regularly compile and publish data on the social, economic and professional backgrounds of judges in either the higher or lower judiciary. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
The appointment of Indu Malhotra to the Supreme Court has rekindled the debate surrounding the &amp;lsquo;representativeness&amp;rsquo; of the judiciary. She is only the seventh woman to be appointed to the Supreme Court in the seven decades of its existence, and the first woman to be elevated from the Bar to the Court.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In India, the representation of socially-marginalised groups in both the higher and the lower judiciary remains dismal. Only about 10% of the judges in the high court are women. The percentage of women judges in the lower judiciary is pegged at 27%. When it comes to caste representation, the numbers fall more drastically. It is estimated that other backward classes constitute just 12% of the lower judiciary, which is significantly lesser than their actual population share estimated to be close to 40%. Dalits constitute 14%, which is a bit lesser than their population share of 16.6% as per the 2011 Census. Only judges belonging to the Scheduled Tribes constitute 12% of the lower judiciary figure, which is higher than their estimated population share of 8.6%.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Representativeness of public institutions, including the judiciary, is seen as an important goal in a constitutional democracy. A judiciary which reflects the composition of the society it serves enjoys a greater degree of legitimacy, as it signals an equality of opportunity for marginalised groups. However, systemic barriers prevent the entry of such persons into these institutions. To remedy this, certain countries have taken up a variety of measures.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In the UK, for example, a &amp;lsquo;Judicial Diversity Taskforce&amp;rsquo; was set up to oversee the implementation of recommendations to make the judiciary more inclusive. Separately, South Africa has a constitutional mandate to maintain a reflection of its social composition in its judiciary, which includes both racial and gender composition.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In India, however, the conversation around improving judicial diversity does not transcend the question of reservation. For instance, a 2011 report published by the National Commission for Scheduled Castes recommended affirmative action as the only way to fix the lack of representation in the higher judiciary. But there is little or no empirical evidence regarding the relative success of such a policy.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
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&lt;br /&gt;
Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://thewire.in/law/annual-diversity-statistics-judiciary&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more.
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&lt;br /&gt;
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&lt;br /&gt;
Representativeness of public institutions, including the judiciary, is seen as an important goal in a constitutional democracy. A judiciary which reflects the composition of the society it serves enjoys a greater degree of legitimacy, as it signals an equality of opportunity for marginalised groups. However, systemic barriers prevent the entry of such persons into these institutions. To remedy this, certain countries have taken up a variety of measures.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
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&lt;br /&gt;
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&lt;br /&gt;
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&lt;br /&gt;
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                <strong>We Need Annual Diversity Statistics for the Judiciary -Diksha Sanyal</strong></h1>
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                <div align="justify">-TheWire.in<br /><br /><em>There have been no efforts to regularly compile and publish data on the social, economic and professional backgrounds of judges in either the higher or lower judiciary. <br /></em><br />The appointment of Indu Malhotra to the Supreme Court has rekindled the debate surrounding the &lsquo;representativeness&rsquo; of the judiciary. She is only the seventh woman to be appointed to the Supreme Court in the seven decades of its existence, and the first woman to be elevated from the Bar to the Court.<br /><br />In India, the representation of socially-marginalised groups in both the higher and the lower judiciary remains dismal. Only about 10% of the judges in the high court are women. The percentage of women judges in the lower judiciary is pegged at 27%. When it comes to caste representation, the numbers fall more drastically. It is estimated that other backward classes constitute just 12% of the lower judiciary, which is significantly lesser than their actual population share estimated to be close to 40%. Dalits constitute 14%, which is a bit lesser than their population share of 16.6% as per the 2011 Census. Only judges belonging to the Scheduled Tribes constitute 12% of the lower judiciary figure, which is higher than their estimated population share of 8.6%.<br /><br />Representativeness of public institutions, including the judiciary, is seen as an important goal in a constitutional democracy. A judiciary which reflects the composition of the society it serves enjoys a greater degree of legitimacy, as it signals an equality of opportunity for marginalised groups. However, systemic barriers prevent the entry of such persons into these institutions. To remedy this, certain countries have taken up a variety of measures.<br /><br />In the UK, for example, a &lsquo;Judicial Diversity Taskforce&rsquo; was set up to oversee the implementation of recommendations to make the judiciary more inclusive. Separately, South Africa has a constitutional mandate to maintain a reflection of its social composition in its judiciary, which includes both racial and gender composition.<br /><br />In India, however, the conversation around improving judicial diversity does not transcend the question of reservation. For instance, a 2011 report published by the National Commission for Scheduled Castes recommended affirmative action as the only way to fix the lack of representation in the higher judiciary. But there is little or no empirical evidence regarding the relative success of such a policy.<br /><br />In fact, the lack of empirical evidence has prevented policymakers to even fully comprehend the problem. There are no efforts to regularly compile and publish data on the social, economic and professional backgrounds of judges in either the higher or lower judiciary. Data collection, if at all, happens very unsystematically. It was only in response to questions asked in parliament in November 2017, that some data on the overall proportion of women judges in the lower judiciary was compiled and made public. Even this data was incomplete as it had not been compiled for all states. The Union minister of law and justice also clarified that this was not a regular exercise for the Central government.<br /><br />Please <a href="https://thewire.in/law/annual-diversity-statistics-judiciary" title="https://thewire.in/law/annual-diversity-statistics-judiciary">click here</a> to read more.</div>               </font>
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&lt;em&gt;There have been no efforts to regularly compile and publish data on the social, economic and professional backgrounds of judges in either the higher or lower judiciary. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
The appointment of Indu Malhotra to the Supreme Court has rekindled the debate surrounding the &amp;lsquo;representativeness&amp;rsquo; of the judiciary. She is only the seventh woman to be appointed to the Supreme Court in the seven decades of its existence, and the first woman to be elevated from the Bar to the Court.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In India, the representation of socially-marginalised groups in both the higher and the lower judiciary remains dismal. Only about 10% of the judges in the high court are women. The percentage of women judges in the lower judiciary is pegged at 27%. When it comes to caste representation, the numbers fall more drastically. It is estimated that other backward classes constitute just 12% of the lower judiciary, which is significantly lesser than their actual population share estimated to be close to 40%. Dalits constitute 14%, which is a bit lesser than their population share of 16.6% as per the 2011 Census. Only judges belonging to the Scheduled Tribes constitute 12% of the lower judiciary figure, which is higher than their estimated population share of 8.6%.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Representativeness of public institutions, including the judiciary, is seen as an important goal in a constitutional democracy. A judiciary which reflects the composition of the society it serves enjoys a greater degree of legitimacy, as it signals an equality of opportunity for marginalised groups. However, systemic barriers prevent the entry of such persons into these institutions. To remedy this, certain countries have taken up a variety of measures.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In the UK, for example, a &amp;lsquo;Judicial Diversity Taskforce&amp;rsquo; was set up to oversee the implementation of recommendations to make the judiciary more inclusive. Separately, South Africa has a constitutional mandate to maintain a reflection of its social composition in its judiciary, which includes both racial and gender composition.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In India, however, the conversation around improving judicial diversity does not transcend the question of reservation. For instance, a 2011 report published by the National Commission for Scheduled Castes recommended affirmative action as the only way to fix the lack of representation in the higher judiciary. But there is little or no empirical evidence regarding the relative success of such a policy.&lt;br /&gt;
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&lt;br /&gt;
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-TheWire.in&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;There have been no efforts to regularly compile and publish data on the social, economic and professional backgrounds of judges in either the higher or lower judiciary. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&lt;br /&gt;
In India, the representation of socially-marginalised groups in both the higher and the lower judiciary remains dismal. Only about 10% of the judges in the high court are women. The percentage of women judges in the lower judiciary is pegged at 27%. When it comes to caste representation, the numbers fall more drastically. It is estimated that other backward classes constitute just 12% of the lower judiciary, which is significantly lesser than their actual population share estimated to be close to 40%. Dalits constitute 14%, which is a bit lesser than their population share of 16.6% as per the 2011 Census. Only judges belonging to the Scheduled Tribes constitute 12% of the lower judiciary figure, which is higher than their estimated population share of 8.6%.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Representativeness of public institutions, including the judiciary, is seen as an important goal in a constitutional democracy. A judiciary which reflects the composition of the society it serves enjoys a greater degree of legitimacy, as it signals an equality of opportunity for marginalised groups. However, systemic barriers prevent the entry of such persons into these institutions. To remedy this, certain countries have taken up a variety of measures.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In the UK, for example, a &amp;lsquo;Judicial Diversity Taskforce&amp;rsquo; was set up to oversee the implementation of recommendations to make the judiciary more inclusive. Separately, South Africa has a constitutional mandate to maintain a reflection of its social composition in its judiciary, which includes both racial and gender composition.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In India, however, the conversation around improving judicial diversity does not transcend the question of reservation. For instance, a 2011 report published by the National Commission for Scheduled Castes recommended affirmative action as the only way to fix the lack of representation in the higher judiciary. But there is little or no empirical evidence regarding the relative success of such a policy.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In fact, the lack of empirical evidence has prevented policymakers to even fully comprehend the problem. There are no efforts to regularly compile and publish data on the social, economic and professional backgrounds of judges in either the higher or lower judiciary. Data collection, if at all, happens very unsystematically. It was only in response to questions asked in parliament in November 2017, that some data on the overall proportion of women judges in the lower judiciary was compiled and made public. Even this data was incomplete as it had not been compiled for all states. The Union minister of law and justice also clarified that this was not a regular exercise for the Central government.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://thewire.in/law/annual-diversity-statistics-judiciary&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more.
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-TheWire.in

There have been no efforts to regularly compile and publish data on the social, economic and professional backgrounds of judges in either the higher or lower judiciary. 

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                <strong>We Need Annual Diversity Statistics for the Judiciary -Diksha Sanyal</strong></h1>
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                <div align="justify">-TheWire.in<br /><br /><em>There have been no efforts to regularly compile and publish data on the social, economic and professional backgrounds of judges in either the higher or lower judiciary. <br /></em><br />The appointment of Indu Malhotra to the Supreme Court has rekindled the debate surrounding the &lsquo;representativeness&rsquo; of the judiciary. She is only the seventh woman to be appointed to the Supreme Court in the seven decades of its existence, and the first woman to be elevated from the Bar to the Court.<br /><br />In India, the representation of socially-marginalised groups in both the higher and the lower judiciary remains dismal. Only about 10% of the judges in the high court are women. The percentage of women judges in the lower judiciary is pegged at 27%. When it comes to caste representation, the numbers fall more drastically. It is estimated that other backward classes constitute just 12% of the lower judiciary, which is significantly lesser than their actual population share estimated to be close to 40%. Dalits constitute 14%, which is a bit lesser than their population share of 16.6% as per the 2011 Census. Only judges belonging to the Scheduled Tribes constitute 12% of the lower judiciary figure, which is higher than their estimated population share of 8.6%.<br /><br />Representativeness of public institutions, including the judiciary, is seen as an important goal in a constitutional democracy. A judiciary which reflects the composition of the society it serves enjoys a greater degree of legitimacy, as it signals an equality of opportunity for marginalised groups. However, systemic barriers prevent the entry of such persons into these institutions. To remedy this, certain countries have taken up a variety of measures.<br /><br />In the UK, for example, a &lsquo;Judicial Diversity Taskforce&rsquo; was set up to oversee the implementation of recommendations to make the judiciary more inclusive. Separately, South Africa has a constitutional mandate to maintain a reflection of its social composition in its judiciary, which includes both racial and gender composition.<br /><br />In India, however, the conversation around improving judicial diversity does not transcend the question of reservation. For instance, a 2011 report published by the National Commission for Scheduled Castes recommended affirmative action as the only way to fix the lack of representation in the higher judiciary. But there is little or no empirical evidence regarding the relative success of such a policy.<br /><br />In fact, the lack of empirical evidence has prevented policymakers to even fully comprehend the problem. There are no efforts to regularly compile and publish data on the social, economic and professional backgrounds of judges in either the higher or lower judiciary. Data collection, if at all, happens very unsystematically. It was only in response to questions asked in parliament in November 2017, that some data on the overall proportion of women judges in the lower judiciary was compiled and made public. Even this data was incomplete as it had not been compiled for all states. The Union minister of law and justice also clarified that this was not a regular exercise for the Central government.<br /><br />Please <a href="https://thewire.in/law/annual-diversity-statistics-judiciary" title="https://thewire.in/law/annual-diversity-statistics-judiciary">click here</a> to read more.</div>               </font>
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-TheWire.in<br />
<br />
<em>There have been no efforts to regularly compile and publish data on the social, economic and professional backgrounds of judges in either the higher or lower judiciary. <br />
</em><br />
The appointment of Indu Malhotra to the Supreme Court has rekindled the debate surrounding the &lsquo;representativeness&rsquo; of the judiciary. She is only the seventh woman to be appointed to the Supreme Court in the seven decades of its existence, and the first woman to be elevated from the Bar to the Court.<br />
<br />
In India, the representation of socially-marginalised groups in both the higher and the lower judiciary remains dismal. Only about 10% of the judges in the high court are women. The percentage of women judges in the lower judiciary is pegged at 27%. When it comes to caste representation, the numbers fall more drastically. It is estimated that other backward classes constitute just 12% of the lower judiciary, which is significantly lesser than their actual population share estimated to be close to 40%. Dalits constitute 14%, which is a bit lesser than their population share of 16.6% as per the 2011 Census. Only judges belonging to the Scheduled Tribes constitute 12% of the lower judiciary figure, which is higher than their estimated population share of 8.6%.<br />
<br />
Representativeness of public institutions, including the judiciary, is seen as an important goal in a constitutional democracy. A judiciary which reflects the composition of the society it serves enjoys a greater degree of legitimacy, as it signals an equality of opportunity for marginalised groups. However, systemic barriers prevent the entry of such persons into these institutions. To remedy this, certain countries have taken up a variety of measures.<br />
<br />
In the UK, for example, a &lsquo;Judicial Diversity Taskforce&rsquo; was set up to oversee the implementation of recommendations to make the judiciary more inclusive. Separately, South Africa has a constitutional mandate to maintain a reflection of its social composition in its judiciary, which includes both racial and gender composition.<br />
<br />
In India, however, the conversation around improving judicial diversity does not transcend the question of reservation. For instance, a 2011 report published by the National Commission for Scheduled Castes recommended affirmative action as the only way to fix the lack of representation in the higher judiciary. But there is little or no empirical evidence regarding the relative success of such a policy.<br />
<br />
In fact, the lack of empirical evidence has prevented policymakers to even fully comprehend the problem. There are no efforts to regularly compile and publish data on the social, economic and professional backgrounds of judges in either the higher or lower judiciary. Data collection, if at all, happens very unsystematically. It was only in response to questions asked in parliament in November 2017, that some data on the overall proportion of women judges in the lower judiciary was compiled and made public. Even this data was incomplete as it had not been compiled for all states. The Union minister of law and justice also clarified that this was not a regular exercise for the Central government.<br />
<br />
Please <a href="https://thewire.in/law/annual-diversity-statistics-judiciary">click here</a> to read more.
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-TheWire.in<br />
<br />
<em>There have been no efforts to regularly compile and publish data on the social, economic and professional backgrounds of judges in either the higher or lower judiciary. <br />
</em><br />
The appointment of Indu Malhotra to the Supreme Court has rekindled the debate surrounding the &lsquo;representativeness&rsquo; of the judiciary. She is only the seventh woman to be appointed to the Supreme Court in the seven decades of its existence, and the first woman to be elevated from the Bar to the Court.<br />
<br />
In India, the representation of socially-marginalised groups in both the higher and the lower judiciary remains dismal. Only about 10% of the judges in the high court are women. The percentage of women judges in the lower judiciary is pegged at 27%. When it comes to caste representation, the numbers fall more drastically. It is estimated that other backward classes constitute just 12% of the lower judiciary, which is significantly lesser than their actual population share estimated to be close to 40%. Dalits constitute 14%, which is a bit lesser than their population share of 16.6% as per the 2011 Census. Only judges belonging to the Scheduled Tribes constitute 12% of the lower judiciary figure, which is higher than their estimated population share of 8.6%.<br />
<br />
Representativeness of public institutions, including the judiciary, is seen as an important goal in a constitutional democracy. A judiciary which reflects the composition of the society it serves enjoys a greater degree of legitimacy, as it signals an equality of opportunity for marginalised groups. However, systemic barriers prevent the entry of such persons into these institutions. To remedy this, certain countries have taken up a variety of measures.<br />
<br />
In the UK, for example, a &lsquo;Judicial Diversity Taskforce&rsquo; was set up to oversee the implementation of recommendations to make the judiciary more inclusive. Separately, South Africa has a constitutional mandate to maintain a reflection of its social composition in its judiciary, which includes both racial and gender composition.<br />
<br />
In India, however, the conversation around improving judicial diversity does not transcend the question of reservation. For instance, a 2011 report published by the National Commission for Scheduled Castes recommended affirmative action as the only way to fix the lack of representation in the higher judiciary. But there is little or no empirical evidence regarding the relative success of such a policy.<br />
<br />
In fact, the lack of empirical evidence has prevented policymakers to even fully comprehend the problem. There are no efforts to regularly compile and publish data on the social, economic and professional backgrounds of judges in either the higher or lower judiciary. Data collection, if at all, happens very unsystematically. It was only in response to questions asked in parliament in November 2017, that some data on the overall proportion of women judges in the lower judiciary was compiled and made public. Even this data was incomplete as it had not been compiled for all states. The Union minister of law and justice also clarified that this was not a regular exercise for the Central government.<br />
<br />
Please <a href="https://thewire.in/law/annual-diversity-statistics-judiciary">click here</a> to read more.
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-TheWire.in

There have been no efforts to regularly compile and publish data on the social, economic and professional backgrounds of judges in either the higher or lower judiciary. 

The appointment of Indu Malhotra to the Supreme Court has rekindled the debate...'
$disp = '<div align="justify">-TheWire.in<br /><br /><em>There have been no efforts to regularly compile and publish data on the social, economic and professional backgrounds of judges in either the higher or lower judiciary. <br /></em><br />The appointment of Indu Malhotra to the Supreme Court has rekindled the debate surrounding the &lsquo;representativeness&rsquo; of the judiciary. She is only the seventh woman to be appointed to the Supreme Court in the seven decades of its existence, and the first woman to be elevated from the Bar to the Court.<br /><br />In India, the representation of socially-marginalised groups in both the higher and the lower judiciary remains dismal. Only about 10% of the judges in the high court are women. The percentage of women judges in the lower judiciary is pegged at 27%. When it comes to caste representation, the numbers fall more drastically. It is estimated that other backward classes constitute just 12% of the lower judiciary, which is significantly lesser than their actual population share estimated to be close to 40%. Dalits constitute 14%, which is a bit lesser than their population share of 16.6% as per the 2011 Census. Only judges belonging to the Scheduled Tribes constitute 12% of the lower judiciary figure, which is higher than their estimated population share of 8.6%.<br /><br />Representativeness of public institutions, including the judiciary, is seen as an important goal in a constitutional democracy. A judiciary which reflects the composition of the society it serves enjoys a greater degree of legitimacy, as it signals an equality of opportunity for marginalised groups. However, systemic barriers prevent the entry of such persons into these institutions. To remedy this, certain countries have taken up a variety of measures.<br /><br />In the UK, for example, a &lsquo;Judicial Diversity Taskforce&rsquo; was set up to oversee the implementation of recommendations to make the judiciary more inclusive. Separately, South Africa has a constitutional mandate to maintain a reflection of its social composition in its judiciary, which includes both racial and gender composition.<br /><br />In India, however, the conversation around improving judicial diversity does not transcend the question of reservation. For instance, a 2011 report published by the National Commission for Scheduled Castes recommended affirmative action as the only way to fix the lack of representation in the higher judiciary. But there is little or no empirical evidence regarding the relative success of such a policy.<br /><br />In fact, the lack of empirical evidence has prevented policymakers to even fully comprehend the problem. There are no efforts to regularly compile and publish data on the social, economic and professional backgrounds of judges in either the higher or lower judiciary. Data collection, if at all, happens very unsystematically. It was only in response to questions asked in parliament in November 2017, that some data on the overall proportion of women judges in the lower judiciary was compiled and made public. Even this data was incomplete as it had not been compiled for all states. The Union minister of law and justice also clarified that this was not a regular exercise for the Central government.<br /><br />Please <a href="https://thewire.in/law/annual-diversity-statistics-judiciary" title="https://thewire.in/law/annual-diversity-statistics-judiciary">click here</a> to read more.</div>'
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We Need Annual Diversity Statistics for the Judiciary -Diksha Sanyal

-TheWire.in There have been no efforts to regularly compile and publish data on the social, economic and professional backgrounds of judges in either the higher or lower judiciary. The appointment of Indu Malhotra to the Supreme Court has rekindled the debate surrounding the ‘representativeness’ of the judiciary. She is only the seventh woman to be appointed to the Supreme Court in the seven decades of its existence, and the first woman to be elevated from the Bar to the Court. In India, the representation of socially-marginalised groups in both the higher and the lower judiciary remains dismal. Only about 10% of the judges in the high court are women. The percentage of women judges in the lower judiciary is pegged at 27%. When it comes to caste representation, the numbers fall more drastically. It is estimated that other backward classes constitute just 12% of the lower judiciary, which is significantly lesser than their actual population share estimated to be close to 40%. Dalits constitute 14%, which is a bit lesser than their population share of 16.6% as per the 2011 Census. Only judges belonging to the Scheduled Tribes constitute 12% of the lower judiciary figure, which is higher than their estimated population share of 8.6%. Representativeness of public institutions, including the judiciary, is seen as an important goal in a constitutional democracy. A judiciary which reflects the composition of the society it serves enjoys a greater degree of legitimacy, as it signals an equality of opportunity for marginalised groups. However, systemic barriers prevent the entry of such persons into these institutions. To remedy this, certain countries have taken up a variety of measures. In the UK, for example, a ‘Judicial Diversity Taskforce’ was set up to oversee the implementation of recommendations to make the judiciary more inclusive. Separately, South Africa has a constitutional mandate to maintain a reflection of its social composition in its judiciary, which includes both racial and gender composition. In India, however, the conversation around improving judicial diversity does not transcend the question of reservation. For instance, a 2011 report published by the National Commission for Scheduled Castes recommended affirmative action as the only way to fix the lack of representation in the higher judiciary. But there is little or no empirical evidence regarding the relative success of such a policy. In fact, the lack of empirical evidence has prevented policymakers to even fully comprehend the problem. There are no efforts to regularly compile and publish data on the social, economic and professional backgrounds of judges in either the higher or lower judiciary. Data collection, if at all, happens very unsystematically. It was only in response to questions asked in parliament in November 2017, that some data on the overall proportion of women judges in the lower judiciary was compiled and made public. Even this data was incomplete as it had not been compiled for all states. The Union minister of law and justice also clarified that this was not a regular exercise for the Central government. Please click here to read more.