Deprecated (16384): The ArrayAccess methods will be removed in 4.0.0.Use getParam(), getData() and getQuery() instead. - /home/brlfuser/public_html/src/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line: 73
 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php. [CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311]
Code Context


        trigger_error($message, E_USER_DEPRECATED);

    }
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 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php.'
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deprecationWarning - CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311
Cake\Http\ServerRequest::offsetGet() - CORE/src/Http/ServerRequest.php, line 2421
App\Controller\ArtileDetailController::printArticle() - APP/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line 73
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Cake\Http\ActionDispatcher::_invoke() - CORE/src/Http/ActionDispatcher.php, line 120
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Cake\Http\BaseApplication::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/BaseApplication.php, line 235
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Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
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Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Error\Middleware\ErrorHandlerMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Error/Middleware/ErrorHandlerMiddleware.php, line 96
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Http\Runner::run() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 51
Cake\Http\Server::run() - CORE/src/Http/Server.php, line 98

Deprecated (16384): The ArrayAccess methods will be removed in 4.0.0.Use getParam(), getData() and getQuery() instead. - /home/brlfuser/public_html/src/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line: 74
 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php. [CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311]
Code Context


        trigger_error($message, E_USER_DEPRECATED);

    }
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 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php.'
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deprecationWarning - CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311
Cake\Http\ServerRequest::offsetGet() - CORE/src/Http/ServerRequest.php, line 2421
App\Controller\ArtileDetailController::printArticle() - APP/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line 74
Cake\Controller\Controller::invokeAction() - CORE/src/Controller/Controller.php, line 610
Cake\Http\ActionDispatcher::_invoke() - CORE/src/Http/ActionDispatcher.php, line 120
Cake\Http\ActionDispatcher::dispatch() - CORE/src/Http/ActionDispatcher.php, line 94
Cake\Http\BaseApplication::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/BaseApplication.php, line 235
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Routing\Middleware\RoutingMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Routing/Middleware/RoutingMiddleware.php, line 162
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Routing\Middleware\AssetMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Routing/Middleware/AssetMiddleware.php, line 88
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Error\Middleware\ErrorHandlerMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Error/Middleware/ErrorHandlerMiddleware.php, line 96
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Http\Runner::run() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 51
Cake\Http\Server::run() - CORE/src/Http/Server.php, line 98

Warning (512): Unable to emit headers. Headers sent in file=/home/brlfuser/public_html/vendor/cakephp/cakephp/src/Error/Debugger.php line=853 [CORE/src/Http/ResponseEmitter.php, line 48]
Code Context
            if (Configure::read('debug')) {

                trigger_error($message, E_USER_WARNING);

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-Hindustan Times&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;With the rising costs of campaigns, parties have increasing incentives to field richer candidates with criminal cases against them &amp;mdash; precisely those who do a worse job of representing and working for the welfare of their constituents.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Are Members of Parliament (MPs) genuinely interested in giving back to the voters who elected them? Since 1993, MPs have been allotted money under the Members of Parliament Local Area Development Scheme (MPLADS) to spend as they see fit on public works in their constituencies. In fact, MPs are now given Rs 5 crore per year under MPLADS &amp;mdash; but a lot of this money goes unspent. Among those MPs that served a full term in the 15th Lok Sabha (2009-2014), only 23% spent all of the funds allotted to them.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
One of the most important jobs of political representatives is to work for the welfare of their constituency. Unlike other sources of constituency-level funds, MPLADS is completely standardised in how it is allotted to MPs &amp;mdash; unfettered by concerns of party, hierarchy, social status, or seniority. Thus, the utilisation of MPLADS money provides an unadulterated measure of an MP&amp;rsquo;s willingness and capacity to spend funds on constituency-level development.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Naturally, one is interested in the characteristics of MPs that predict higher or lower utilisation of MPLADS funds. As discussed in my previous column, India has experienced a worrying increase in the wealth of politicians contesting elections, as well as the number of elected politicians facing serious criminal cases. The median wealth of competitive MP candidates has risen seven fold between 2004 and 2014, and the percentage of elected MPs facing serious cases has risen by 75% over the same period.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
It is now well-established that wealthier candidates and candidates with criminal cases against them win elections at a higher rate.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
By the 2014 national election, the median wealth of the top two finishers in a constituency was more than 20 times that of the median wealth of the other less competitive candidates. Even among the top two finishers, the wealthier candidate was about 5% more likely to win the election. Between 2004 and 2014, those candidates facing serious criminal charges were about 78% more likely to win an MP election than those not facing such charges.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Political scientist Milan Vaishnav identifies two competing narratives on the relationship between electability and these two parameters: wealth and the number of serious criminal cases against a candidate. The &amp;ldquo;representative&amp;rdquo; position argues that voters prefer candidates with wealth and criminal cases against them because they have a greater capacity to deliver benefits and public works in the absence of an effective local bureaucracy, as is true in so much of India.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
The &amp;ldquo;organisational&amp;rdquo; position argues that those with criminal cases against them win because they have stronger ground-level networks to build a campaign organisation, while wealthier candidates are advantaged due to the need to self-finance increasingly expensive campaigns. In short, the representative position, unlike the organisational position, suggests a positive association between these two characteristics of a candidate and the utilisation of MPLADS funds. On the other hand, if wealth and the presence of serious criminal cases is associated with &amp;ldquo;lower quality&amp;rdquo; representation, then these characteristics should be negatively associated with the utilisation of MPLADS funds.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/which-mps-utilise-constituency-funds-the-best/story-nFhrRN5WhiQlgDNMjZIUdK.html&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;
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With the rising costs of campaigns, parties have increasing incentives to field richer candidates with criminal cases against them &amp;mdash; precisely those who do a worse job of representing and working for the welfare of their constituents.

Are Members of...&#039;,
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&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;With the rising costs of campaigns, parties have increasing incentives to field richer candidates with criminal cases against them &amp;mdash; precisely those who do a worse job of representing and working for the welfare of their constituents.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Are Members of Parliament (MPs) genuinely interested in giving back to the voters who elected them? Since 1993, MPs have been allotted money under the Members of Parliament Local Area Development Scheme (MPLADS) to spend as they see fit on public works in their constituencies. In fact, MPs are now given Rs 5 crore per year under MPLADS &amp;mdash; but a lot of this money goes unspent. Among those MPs that served a full term in the 15th Lok Sabha (2009-2014), only 23% spent all of the funds allotted to them.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
One of the most important jobs of political representatives is to work for the welfare of their constituency. Unlike other sources of constituency-level funds, MPLADS is completely standardised in how it is allotted to MPs &amp;mdash; unfettered by concerns of party, hierarchy, social status, or seniority. Thus, the utilisation of MPLADS money provides an unadulterated measure of an MP&amp;rsquo;s willingness and capacity to spend funds on constituency-level development.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Naturally, one is interested in the characteristics of MPs that predict higher or lower utilisation of MPLADS funds. As discussed in my previous column, India has experienced a worrying increase in the wealth of politicians contesting elections, as well as the number of elected politicians facing serious criminal cases. The median wealth of competitive MP candidates has risen seven fold between 2004 and 2014, and the percentage of elected MPs facing serious cases has risen by 75% over the same period.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
It is now well-established that wealthier candidates and candidates with criminal cases against them win elections at a higher rate.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
By the 2014 national election, the median wealth of the top two finishers in a constituency was more than 20 times that of the median wealth of the other less competitive candidates. Even among the top two finishers, the wealthier candidate was about 5% more likely to win the election. Between 2004 and 2014, those candidates facing serious criminal charges were about 78% more likely to win an MP election than those not facing such charges.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Political scientist Milan Vaishnav identifies two competing narratives on the relationship between electability and these two parameters: wealth and the number of serious criminal cases against a candidate. The &amp;ldquo;representative&amp;rdquo; position argues that voters prefer candidates with wealth and criminal cases against them because they have a greater capacity to deliver benefits and public works in the absence of an effective local bureaucracy, as is true in so much of India.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
The &amp;ldquo;organisational&amp;rdquo; position argues that those with criminal cases against them win because they have stronger ground-level networks to build a campaign organisation, while wealthier candidates are advantaged due to the need to self-finance increasingly expensive campaigns. In short, the representative position, unlike the organisational position, suggests a positive association between these two characteristics of a candidate and the utilisation of MPLADS funds. On the other hand, if wealth and the presence of serious criminal cases is associated with &amp;ldquo;lower quality&amp;rdquo; representation, then these characteristics should be negatively associated with the utilisation of MPLADS funds.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/which-mps-utilise-constituency-funds-the-best/story-nFhrRN5WhiQlgDNMjZIUdK.html&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;
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-Hindustan Times

With the rising costs of campaigns, parties have increasing incentives to field richer candidates with criminal cases against them &amp;mdash; precisely those who do a worse job of representing and working for the welfare of their constituents.

Are Members of...&#039;
$disp = &#039;&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;-Hindustan Times&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;With the rising costs of campaigns, parties have increasing incentives to field richer candidates with criminal cases against them &amp;mdash; precisely those who do a worse job of representing and working for the welfare of their constituents.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Are Members of Parliament (MPs) genuinely interested in giving back to the voters who elected them? Since 1993, MPs have been allotted money under the Members of Parliament Local Area Development Scheme (MPLADS) to spend as they see fit on public works in their constituencies. In fact, MPs are now given Rs 5 crore per year under MPLADS &amp;mdash; but a lot of this money goes unspent. Among those MPs that served a full term in the 15th Lok Sabha (2009-2014), only 23% spent all of the funds allotted to them.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;One of the most important jobs of political representatives is to work for the welfare of their constituency. Unlike other sources of constituency-level funds, MPLADS is completely standardised in how it is allotted to MPs &amp;mdash; unfettered by concerns of party, hierarchy, social status, or seniority. Thus, the utilisation of MPLADS money provides an unadulterated measure of an MP&amp;rsquo;s willingness and capacity to spend funds on constituency-level development.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Naturally, one is interested in the characteristics of MPs that predict higher or lower utilisation of MPLADS funds. As discussed in my previous column, India has experienced a worrying increase in the wealth of politicians contesting elections, as well as the number of elected politicians facing serious criminal cases. The median wealth of competitive MP candidates has risen seven fold between 2004 and 2014, and the percentage of elected MPs facing serious cases has risen by 75% over the same period.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;It is now well-established that wealthier candidates and candidates with criminal cases against them win elections at a higher rate.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;By the 2014 national election, the median wealth of the top two finishers in a constituency was more than 20 times that of the median wealth of the other less competitive candidates. Even among the top two finishers, the wealthier candidate was about 5% more likely to win the election. Between 2004 and 2014, those candidates facing serious criminal charges were about 78% more likely to win an MP election than those not facing such charges.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Political scientist Milan Vaishnav identifies two competing narratives on the relationship between electability and these two parameters: wealth and the number of serious criminal cases against a candidate. The &amp;ldquo;representative&amp;rdquo; position argues that voters prefer candidates with wealth and criminal cases against them because they have a greater capacity to deliver benefits and public works in the absence of an effective local bureaucracy, as is true in so much of India.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The &amp;ldquo;organisational&amp;rdquo; position argues that those with criminal cases against them win because they have stronger ground-level networks to build a campaign organisation, while wealthier candidates are advantaged due to the need to self-finance increasingly expensive campaigns. In short, the representative position, unlike the organisational position, suggests a positive association between these two characteristics of a candidate and the utilisation of MPLADS funds. On the other hand, if wealth and the presence of serious criminal cases is associated with &amp;ldquo;lower quality&amp;rdquo; representation, then these characteristics should be negatively associated with the utilisation of MPLADS funds.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/which-mps-utilise-constituency-funds-the-best/story-nFhrRN5WhiQlgDNMjZIUdK.html&quot; title=&quot;https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/which-mps-utilise-constituency-funds-the-best/story-nFhrRN5WhiQlgDNMjZIUdK.html&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;&#039;
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-Hindustan Times

With the rising costs of campaigns, parties have increasing incentives to field richer candidates with criminal cases against them &mdash; precisely those who do a worse job of representing and working for the welfare of their constituents.

Are Members of..."/>
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                <strong>Which MPs utilise constituency funds the best? -Neelanjan Sircar</strong></h1>
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                <div align="justify">-Hindustan Times<br /><br /><em>With the rising costs of campaigns, parties have increasing incentives to field richer candidates with criminal cases against them &mdash; precisely those who do a worse job of representing and working for the welfare of their constituents.<br /></em><br />Are Members of Parliament (MPs) genuinely interested in giving back to the voters who elected them? Since 1993, MPs have been allotted money under the Members of Parliament Local Area Development Scheme (MPLADS) to spend as they see fit on public works in their constituencies. In fact, MPs are now given Rs 5 crore per year under MPLADS &mdash; but a lot of this money goes unspent. Among those MPs that served a full term in the 15th Lok Sabha (2009-2014), only 23% spent all of the funds allotted to them.<br /><br />One of the most important jobs of political representatives is to work for the welfare of their constituency. Unlike other sources of constituency-level funds, MPLADS is completely standardised in how it is allotted to MPs &mdash; unfettered by concerns of party, hierarchy, social status, or seniority. Thus, the utilisation of MPLADS money provides an unadulterated measure of an MP&rsquo;s willingness and capacity to spend funds on constituency-level development.<br /><br />Naturally, one is interested in the characteristics of MPs that predict higher or lower utilisation of MPLADS funds. As discussed in my previous column, India has experienced a worrying increase in the wealth of politicians contesting elections, as well as the number of elected politicians facing serious criminal cases. The median wealth of competitive MP candidates has risen seven fold between 2004 and 2014, and the percentage of elected MPs facing serious cases has risen by 75% over the same period.<br /><br />It is now well-established that wealthier candidates and candidates with criminal cases against them win elections at a higher rate.<br /><br />By the 2014 national election, the median wealth of the top two finishers in a constituency was more than 20 times that of the median wealth of the other less competitive candidates. Even among the top two finishers, the wealthier candidate was about 5% more likely to win the election. Between 2004 and 2014, those candidates facing serious criminal charges were about 78% more likely to win an MP election than those not facing such charges.<br /><br />Political scientist Milan Vaishnav identifies two competing narratives on the relationship between electability and these two parameters: wealth and the number of serious criminal cases against a candidate. The &ldquo;representative&rdquo; position argues that voters prefer candidates with wealth and criminal cases against them because they have a greater capacity to deliver benefits and public works in the absence of an effective local bureaucracy, as is true in so much of India.<br /><br />The &ldquo;organisational&rdquo; position argues that those with criminal cases against them win because they have stronger ground-level networks to build a campaign organisation, while wealthier candidates are advantaged due to the need to self-finance increasingly expensive campaigns. In short, the representative position, unlike the organisational position, suggests a positive association between these two characteristics of a candidate and the utilisation of MPLADS funds. On the other hand, if wealth and the presence of serious criminal cases is associated with &ldquo;lower quality&rdquo; representation, then these characteristics should be negatively associated with the utilisation of MPLADS funds.<br /><br />Please <a href="https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/which-mps-utilise-constituency-funds-the-best/story-nFhrRN5WhiQlgDNMjZIUdK.html" title="https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/which-mps-utilise-constituency-funds-the-best/story-nFhrRN5WhiQlgDNMjZIUdK.html">click here</a> to read more. <br /></div>               </font>
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-Hindustan Times&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;With the rising costs of campaigns, parties have increasing incentives to field richer candidates with criminal cases against them &amp;mdash; precisely those who do a worse job of representing and working for the welfare of their constituents.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Are Members of Parliament (MPs) genuinely interested in giving back to the voters who elected them? Since 1993, MPs have been allotted money under the Members of Parliament Local Area Development Scheme (MPLADS) to spend as they see fit on public works in their constituencies. In fact, MPs are now given Rs 5 crore per year under MPLADS &amp;mdash; but a lot of this money goes unspent. Among those MPs that served a full term in the 15th Lok Sabha (2009-2014), only 23% spent all of the funds allotted to them.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
One of the most important jobs of political representatives is to work for the welfare of their constituency. Unlike other sources of constituency-level funds, MPLADS is completely standardised in how it is allotted to MPs &amp;mdash; unfettered by concerns of party, hierarchy, social status, or seniority. Thus, the utilisation of MPLADS money provides an unadulterated measure of an MP&amp;rsquo;s willingness and capacity to spend funds on constituency-level development.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Naturally, one is interested in the characteristics of MPs that predict higher or lower utilisation of MPLADS funds. As discussed in my previous column, India has experienced a worrying increase in the wealth of politicians contesting elections, as well as the number of elected politicians facing serious criminal cases. The median wealth of competitive MP candidates has risen seven fold between 2004 and 2014, and the percentage of elected MPs facing serious cases has risen by 75% over the same period.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
It is now well-established that wealthier candidates and candidates with criminal cases against them win elections at a higher rate.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
By the 2014 national election, the median wealth of the top two finishers in a constituency was more than 20 times that of the median wealth of the other less competitive candidates. Even among the top two finishers, the wealthier candidate was about 5% more likely to win the election. Between 2004 and 2014, those candidates facing serious criminal charges were about 78% more likely to win an MP election than those not facing such charges.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Political scientist Milan Vaishnav identifies two competing narratives on the relationship between electability and these two parameters: wealth and the number of serious criminal cases against a candidate. The &amp;ldquo;representative&amp;rdquo; position argues that voters prefer candidates with wealth and criminal cases against them because they have a greater capacity to deliver benefits and public works in the absence of an effective local bureaucracy, as is true in so much of India.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
The &amp;ldquo;organisational&amp;rdquo; position argues that those with criminal cases against them win because they have stronger ground-level networks to build a campaign organisation, while wealthier candidates are advantaged due to the need to self-finance increasingly expensive campaigns. In short, the representative position, unlike the organisational position, suggests a positive association between these two characteristics of a candidate and the utilisation of MPLADS funds. On the other hand, if wealth and the presence of serious criminal cases is associated with &amp;ldquo;lower quality&amp;rdquo; representation, then these characteristics should be negatively associated with the utilisation of MPLADS funds.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/which-mps-utilise-constituency-funds-the-best/story-nFhrRN5WhiQlgDNMjZIUdK.html&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;
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-Hindustan Times

With the rising costs of campaigns, parties have increasing incentives to field richer candidates with criminal cases against them &amp;mdash; precisely those who do a worse job of representing and working for the welfare of their constituents.

Are Members of...&#039;,
	&#039;disp&#039; =&gt; &#039;&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;-Hindustan Times&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;With the rising costs of campaigns, parties have increasing incentives to field richer candidates with criminal cases against them &amp;mdash; precisely those who do a worse job of representing and working for the welfare of their constituents.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Are Members of Parliament (MPs) genuinely interested in giving back to the voters who elected them? Since 1993, MPs have been allotted money under the Members of Parliament Local Area Development Scheme (MPLADS) to spend as they see fit on public works in their constituencies. In fact, MPs are now given Rs 5 crore per year under MPLADS &amp;mdash; but a lot of this money goes unspent. Among those MPs that served a full term in the 15th Lok Sabha (2009-2014), only 23% spent all of the funds allotted to them.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;One of the most important jobs of political representatives is to work for the welfare of their constituency. Unlike other sources of constituency-level funds, MPLADS is completely standardised in how it is allotted to MPs &amp;mdash; unfettered by concerns of party, hierarchy, social status, or seniority. Thus, the utilisation of MPLADS money provides an unadulterated measure of an MP&amp;rsquo;s willingness and capacity to spend funds on constituency-level development.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Naturally, one is interested in the characteristics of MPs that predict higher or lower utilisation of MPLADS funds. As discussed in my previous column, India has experienced a worrying increase in the wealth of politicians contesting elections, as well as the number of elected politicians facing serious criminal cases. The median wealth of competitive MP candidates has risen seven fold between 2004 and 2014, and the percentage of elected MPs facing serious cases has risen by 75% over the same period.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;It is now well-established that wealthier candidates and candidates with criminal cases against them win elections at a higher rate.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;By the 2014 national election, the median wealth of the top two finishers in a constituency was more than 20 times that of the median wealth of the other less competitive candidates. Even among the top two finishers, the wealthier candidate was about 5% more likely to win the election. Between 2004 and 2014, those candidates facing serious criminal charges were about 78% more likely to win an MP election than those not facing such charges.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Political scientist Milan Vaishnav identifies two competing narratives on the relationship between electability and these two parameters: wealth and the number of serious criminal cases against a candidate. The &amp;ldquo;representative&amp;rdquo; position argues that voters prefer candidates with wealth and criminal cases against them because they have a greater capacity to deliver benefits and public works in the absence of an effective local bureaucracy, as is true in so much of India.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The &amp;ldquo;organisational&amp;rdquo; position argues that those with criminal cases against them win because they have stronger ground-level networks to build a campaign organisation, while wealthier candidates are advantaged due to the need to self-finance increasingly expensive campaigns. In short, the representative position, unlike the organisational position, suggests a positive association between these two characteristics of a candidate and the utilisation of MPLADS funds. On the other hand, if wealth and the presence of serious criminal cases is associated with &amp;ldquo;lower quality&amp;rdquo; representation, then these characteristics should be negatively associated with the utilisation of MPLADS funds.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/which-mps-utilise-constituency-funds-the-best/story-nFhrRN5WhiQlgDNMjZIUdK.html&quot; title=&quot;https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/which-mps-utilise-constituency-funds-the-best/story-nFhrRN5WhiQlgDNMjZIUdK.html&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;&#039;,
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	&#039;description&#039; =&gt; &#039;&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;
-Hindustan Times&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;With the rising costs of campaigns, parties have increasing incentives to field richer candidates with criminal cases against them &amp;mdash; precisely those who do a worse job of representing and working for the welfare of their constituents.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Are Members of Parliament (MPs) genuinely interested in giving back to the voters who elected them? Since 1993, MPs have been allotted money under the Members of Parliament Local Area Development Scheme (MPLADS) to spend as they see fit on public works in their constituencies. In fact, MPs are now given Rs 5 crore per year under MPLADS &amp;mdash; but a lot of this money goes unspent. Among those MPs that served a full term in the 15th Lok Sabha (2009-2014), only 23% spent all of the funds allotted to them.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
One of the most important jobs of political representatives is to work for the welfare of their constituency. Unlike other sources of constituency-level funds, MPLADS is completely standardised in how it is allotted to MPs &amp;mdash; unfettered by concerns of party, hierarchy, social status, or seniority. Thus, the utilisation of MPLADS money provides an unadulterated measure of an MP&amp;rsquo;s willingness and capacity to spend funds on constituency-level development.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Naturally, one is interested in the characteristics of MPs that predict higher or lower utilisation of MPLADS funds. As discussed in my previous column, India has experienced a worrying increase in the wealth of politicians contesting elections, as well as the number of elected politicians facing serious criminal cases. The median wealth of competitive MP candidates has risen seven fold between 2004 and 2014, and the percentage of elected MPs facing serious cases has risen by 75% over the same period.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
It is now well-established that wealthier candidates and candidates with criminal cases against them win elections at a higher rate.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
By the 2014 national election, the median wealth of the top two finishers in a constituency was more than 20 times that of the median wealth of the other less competitive candidates. Even among the top two finishers, the wealthier candidate was about 5% more likely to win the election. Between 2004 and 2014, those candidates facing serious criminal charges were about 78% more likely to win an MP election than those not facing such charges.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Political scientist Milan Vaishnav identifies two competing narratives on the relationship between electability and these two parameters: wealth and the number of serious criminal cases against a candidate. The &amp;ldquo;representative&amp;rdquo; position argues that voters prefer candidates with wealth and criminal cases against them because they have a greater capacity to deliver benefits and public works in the absence of an effective local bureaucracy, as is true in so much of India.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
The &amp;ldquo;organisational&amp;rdquo; position argues that those with criminal cases against them win because they have stronger ground-level networks to build a campaign organisation, while wealthier candidates are advantaged due to the need to self-finance increasingly expensive campaigns. In short, the representative position, unlike the organisational position, suggests a positive association between these two characteristics of a candidate and the utilisation of MPLADS funds. On the other hand, if wealth and the presence of serious criminal cases is associated with &amp;ldquo;lower quality&amp;rdquo; representation, then these characteristics should be negatively associated with the utilisation of MPLADS funds.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/which-mps-utilise-constituency-funds-the-best/story-nFhrRN5WhiQlgDNMjZIUdK.html&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;
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-Hindustan Times

With the rising costs of campaigns, parties have increasing incentives to field richer candidates with criminal cases against them &amp;mdash; precisely those who do a worse job of representing and working for the welfare of their constituents.

Are Members of...&#039;
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-Hindustan Times

With the rising costs of campaigns, parties have increasing incentives to field richer candidates with criminal cases against them &mdash; precisely those who do a worse job of representing and working for the welfare of their constituents.

Are Members of..."/>
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                <strong>Which MPs utilise constituency funds the best? -Neelanjan Sircar</strong></h1>
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                <div align="justify">-Hindustan Times<br /><br /><em>With the rising costs of campaigns, parties have increasing incentives to field richer candidates with criminal cases against them &mdash; precisely those who do a worse job of representing and working for the welfare of their constituents.<br /></em><br />Are Members of Parliament (MPs) genuinely interested in giving back to the voters who elected them? Since 1993, MPs have been allotted money under the Members of Parliament Local Area Development Scheme (MPLADS) to spend as they see fit on public works in their constituencies. In fact, MPs are now given Rs 5 crore per year under MPLADS &mdash; but a lot of this money goes unspent. Among those MPs that served a full term in the 15th Lok Sabha (2009-2014), only 23% spent all of the funds allotted to them.<br /><br />One of the most important jobs of political representatives is to work for the welfare of their constituency. Unlike other sources of constituency-level funds, MPLADS is completely standardised in how it is allotted to MPs &mdash; unfettered by concerns of party, hierarchy, social status, or seniority. Thus, the utilisation of MPLADS money provides an unadulterated measure of an MP&rsquo;s willingness and capacity to spend funds on constituency-level development.<br /><br />Naturally, one is interested in the characteristics of MPs that predict higher or lower utilisation of MPLADS funds. As discussed in my previous column, India has experienced a worrying increase in the wealth of politicians contesting elections, as well as the number of elected politicians facing serious criminal cases. The median wealth of competitive MP candidates has risen seven fold between 2004 and 2014, and the percentage of elected MPs facing serious cases has risen by 75% over the same period.<br /><br />It is now well-established that wealthier candidates and candidates with criminal cases against them win elections at a higher rate.<br /><br />By the 2014 national election, the median wealth of the top two finishers in a constituency was more than 20 times that of the median wealth of the other less competitive candidates. Even among the top two finishers, the wealthier candidate was about 5% more likely to win the election. Between 2004 and 2014, those candidates facing serious criminal charges were about 78% more likely to win an MP election than those not facing such charges.<br /><br />Political scientist Milan Vaishnav identifies two competing narratives on the relationship between electability and these two parameters: wealth and the number of serious criminal cases against a candidate. The &ldquo;representative&rdquo; position argues that voters prefer candidates with wealth and criminal cases against them because they have a greater capacity to deliver benefits and public works in the absence of an effective local bureaucracy, as is true in so much of India.<br /><br />The &ldquo;organisational&rdquo; position argues that those with criminal cases against them win because they have stronger ground-level networks to build a campaign organisation, while wealthier candidates are advantaged due to the need to self-finance increasingly expensive campaigns. In short, the representative position, unlike the organisational position, suggests a positive association between these two characteristics of a candidate and the utilisation of MPLADS funds. On the other hand, if wealth and the presence of serious criminal cases is associated with &ldquo;lower quality&rdquo; representation, then these characteristics should be negatively associated with the utilisation of MPLADS funds.<br /><br />Please <a href="https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/which-mps-utilise-constituency-funds-the-best/story-nFhrRN5WhiQlgDNMjZIUdK.html" title="https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/which-mps-utilise-constituency-funds-the-best/story-nFhrRN5WhiQlgDNMjZIUdK.html">click here</a> to read more. <br /></div>               </font>
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-Hindustan Times&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;With the rising costs of campaigns, parties have increasing incentives to field richer candidates with criminal cases against them &amp;mdash; precisely those who do a worse job of representing and working for the welfare of their constituents.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Are Members of Parliament (MPs) genuinely interested in giving back to the voters who elected them? Since 1993, MPs have been allotted money under the Members of Parliament Local Area Development Scheme (MPLADS) to spend as they see fit on public works in their constituencies. In fact, MPs are now given Rs 5 crore per year under MPLADS &amp;mdash; but a lot of this money goes unspent. Among those MPs that served a full term in the 15th Lok Sabha (2009-2014), only 23% spent all of the funds allotted to them.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
One of the most important jobs of political representatives is to work for the welfare of their constituency. Unlike other sources of constituency-level funds, MPLADS is completely standardised in how it is allotted to MPs &amp;mdash; unfettered by concerns of party, hierarchy, social status, or seniority. Thus, the utilisation of MPLADS money provides an unadulterated measure of an MP&amp;rsquo;s willingness and capacity to spend funds on constituency-level development.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Naturally, one is interested in the characteristics of MPs that predict higher or lower utilisation of MPLADS funds. As discussed in my previous column, India has experienced a worrying increase in the wealth of politicians contesting elections, as well as the number of elected politicians facing serious criminal cases. The median wealth of competitive MP candidates has risen seven fold between 2004 and 2014, and the percentage of elected MPs facing serious cases has risen by 75% over the same period.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
It is now well-established that wealthier candidates and candidates with criminal cases against them win elections at a higher rate.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
By the 2014 national election, the median wealth of the top two finishers in a constituency was more than 20 times that of the median wealth of the other less competitive candidates. Even among the top two finishers, the wealthier candidate was about 5% more likely to win the election. Between 2004 and 2014, those candidates facing serious criminal charges were about 78% more likely to win an MP election than those not facing such charges.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Political scientist Milan Vaishnav identifies two competing narratives on the relationship between electability and these two parameters: wealth and the number of serious criminal cases against a candidate. The &amp;ldquo;representative&amp;rdquo; position argues that voters prefer candidates with wealth and criminal cases against them because they have a greater capacity to deliver benefits and public works in the absence of an effective local bureaucracy, as is true in so much of India.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
The &amp;ldquo;organisational&amp;rdquo; position argues that those with criminal cases against them win because they have stronger ground-level networks to build a campaign organisation, while wealthier candidates are advantaged due to the need to self-finance increasingly expensive campaigns. In short, the representative position, unlike the organisational position, suggests a positive association between these two characteristics of a candidate and the utilisation of MPLADS funds. On the other hand, if wealth and the presence of serious criminal cases is associated with &amp;ldquo;lower quality&amp;rdquo; representation, then these characteristics should be negatively associated with the utilisation of MPLADS funds.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/which-mps-utilise-constituency-funds-the-best/story-nFhrRN5WhiQlgDNMjZIUdK.html&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;
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-Hindustan Times

With the rising costs of campaigns, parties have increasing incentives to field richer candidates with criminal cases against them &amp;mdash; precisely those who do a worse job of representing and working for the welfare of their constituents.

Are Members of...&#039;,
	&#039;disp&#039; =&gt; &#039;&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;-Hindustan Times&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;With the rising costs of campaigns, parties have increasing incentives to field richer candidates with criminal cases against them &amp;mdash; precisely those who do a worse job of representing and working for the welfare of their constituents.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Are Members of Parliament (MPs) genuinely interested in giving back to the voters who elected them? Since 1993, MPs have been allotted money under the Members of Parliament Local Area Development Scheme (MPLADS) to spend as they see fit on public works in their constituencies. In fact, MPs are now given Rs 5 crore per year under MPLADS &amp;mdash; but a lot of this money goes unspent. Among those MPs that served a full term in the 15th Lok Sabha (2009-2014), only 23% spent all of the funds allotted to them.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;One of the most important jobs of political representatives is to work for the welfare of their constituency. Unlike other sources of constituency-level funds, MPLADS is completely standardised in how it is allotted to MPs &amp;mdash; unfettered by concerns of party, hierarchy, social status, or seniority. Thus, the utilisation of MPLADS money provides an unadulterated measure of an MP&amp;rsquo;s willingness and capacity to spend funds on constituency-level development.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Naturally, one is interested in the characteristics of MPs that predict higher or lower utilisation of MPLADS funds. As discussed in my previous column, India has experienced a worrying increase in the wealth of politicians contesting elections, as well as the number of elected politicians facing serious criminal cases. The median wealth of competitive MP candidates has risen seven fold between 2004 and 2014, and the percentage of elected MPs facing serious cases has risen by 75% over the same period.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;It is now well-established that wealthier candidates and candidates with criminal cases against them win elections at a higher rate.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;By the 2014 national election, the median wealth of the top two finishers in a constituency was more than 20 times that of the median wealth of the other less competitive candidates. Even among the top two finishers, the wealthier candidate was about 5% more likely to win the election. Between 2004 and 2014, those candidates facing serious criminal charges were about 78% more likely to win an MP election than those not facing such charges.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Political scientist Milan Vaishnav identifies two competing narratives on the relationship between electability and these two parameters: wealth and the number of serious criminal cases against a candidate. The &amp;ldquo;representative&amp;rdquo; position argues that voters prefer candidates with wealth and criminal cases against them because they have a greater capacity to deliver benefits and public works in the absence of an effective local bureaucracy, as is true in so much of India.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The &amp;ldquo;organisational&amp;rdquo; position argues that those with criminal cases against them win because they have stronger ground-level networks to build a campaign organisation, while wealthier candidates are advantaged due to the need to self-finance increasingly expensive campaigns. In short, the representative position, unlike the organisational position, suggests a positive association between these two characteristics of a candidate and the utilisation of MPLADS funds. On the other hand, if wealth and the presence of serious criminal cases is associated with &amp;ldquo;lower quality&amp;rdquo; representation, then these characteristics should be negatively associated with the utilisation of MPLADS funds.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/which-mps-utilise-constituency-funds-the-best/story-nFhrRN5WhiQlgDNMjZIUdK.html&quot; title=&quot;https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/which-mps-utilise-constituency-funds-the-best/story-nFhrRN5WhiQlgDNMjZIUdK.html&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;&#039;,
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	&#039;title&#039; =&gt; &#039;Which MPs utilise constituency funds the best? -Neelanjan Sircar&#039;,
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-Hindustan Times&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;With the rising costs of campaigns, parties have increasing incentives to field richer candidates with criminal cases against them &amp;mdash; precisely those who do a worse job of representing and working for the welfare of their constituents.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
Are Members of Parliament (MPs) genuinely interested in giving back to the voters who elected them? Since 1993, MPs have been allotted money under the Members of Parliament Local Area Development Scheme (MPLADS) to spend as they see fit on public works in their constituencies. In fact, MPs are now given Rs 5 crore per year under MPLADS &amp;mdash; but a lot of this money goes unspent. Among those MPs that served a full term in the 15th Lok Sabha (2009-2014), only 23% spent all of the funds allotted to them.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
One of the most important jobs of political representatives is to work for the welfare of their constituency. Unlike other sources of constituency-level funds, MPLADS is completely standardised in how it is allotted to MPs &amp;mdash; unfettered by concerns of party, hierarchy, social status, or seniority. Thus, the utilisation of MPLADS money provides an unadulterated measure of an MP&amp;rsquo;s willingness and capacity to spend funds on constituency-level development.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Naturally, one is interested in the characteristics of MPs that predict higher or lower utilisation of MPLADS funds. As discussed in my previous column, India has experienced a worrying increase in the wealth of politicians contesting elections, as well as the number of elected politicians facing serious criminal cases. The median wealth of competitive MP candidates has risen seven fold between 2004 and 2014, and the percentage of elected MPs facing serious cases has risen by 75% over the same period.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
It is now well-established that wealthier candidates and candidates with criminal cases against them win elections at a higher rate.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
By the 2014 national election, the median wealth of the top two finishers in a constituency was more than 20 times that of the median wealth of the other less competitive candidates. Even among the top two finishers, the wealthier candidate was about 5% more likely to win the election. Between 2004 and 2014, those candidates facing serious criminal charges were about 78% more likely to win an MP election than those not facing such charges.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Political scientist Milan Vaishnav identifies two competing narratives on the relationship between electability and these two parameters: wealth and the number of serious criminal cases against a candidate. The &amp;ldquo;representative&amp;rdquo; position argues that voters prefer candidates with wealth and criminal cases against them because they have a greater capacity to deliver benefits and public works in the absence of an effective local bureaucracy, as is true in so much of India.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
The &amp;ldquo;organisational&amp;rdquo; position argues that those with criminal cases against them win because they have stronger ground-level networks to build a campaign organisation, while wealthier candidates are advantaged due to the need to self-finance increasingly expensive campaigns. In short, the representative position, unlike the organisational position, suggests a positive association between these two characteristics of a candidate and the utilisation of MPLADS funds. On the other hand, if wealth and the presence of serious criminal cases is associated with &amp;ldquo;lower quality&amp;rdquo; representation, then these characteristics should be negatively associated with the utilisation of MPLADS funds.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/which-mps-utilise-constituency-funds-the-best/story-nFhrRN5WhiQlgDNMjZIUdK.html&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;
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-Hindustan Times

With the rising costs of campaigns, parties have increasing incentives to field richer candidates with criminal cases against them &amp;mdash; precisely those who do a worse job of representing and working for the welfare of their constituents.

Are Members of...&#039;
$disp = &#039;&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;-Hindustan Times&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;With the rising costs of campaigns, parties have increasing incentives to field richer candidates with criminal cases against them &amp;mdash; precisely those who do a worse job of representing and working for the welfare of their constituents.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Are Members of Parliament (MPs) genuinely interested in giving back to the voters who elected them? Since 1993, MPs have been allotted money under the Members of Parliament Local Area Development Scheme (MPLADS) to spend as they see fit on public works in their constituencies. In fact, MPs are now given Rs 5 crore per year under MPLADS &amp;mdash; but a lot of this money goes unspent. Among those MPs that served a full term in the 15th Lok Sabha (2009-2014), only 23% spent all of the funds allotted to them.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;One of the most important jobs of political representatives is to work for the welfare of their constituency. Unlike other sources of constituency-level funds, MPLADS is completely standardised in how it is allotted to MPs &amp;mdash; unfettered by concerns of party, hierarchy, social status, or seniority. Thus, the utilisation of MPLADS money provides an unadulterated measure of an MP&amp;rsquo;s willingness and capacity to spend funds on constituency-level development.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Naturally, one is interested in the characteristics of MPs that predict higher or lower utilisation of MPLADS funds. As discussed in my previous column, India has experienced a worrying increase in the wealth of politicians contesting elections, as well as the number of elected politicians facing serious criminal cases. The median wealth of competitive MP candidates has risen seven fold between 2004 and 2014, and the percentage of elected MPs facing serious cases has risen by 75% over the same period.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;It is now well-established that wealthier candidates and candidates with criminal cases against them win elections at a higher rate.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;By the 2014 national election, the median wealth of the top two finishers in a constituency was more than 20 times that of the median wealth of the other less competitive candidates. Even among the top two finishers, the wealthier candidate was about 5% more likely to win the election. Between 2004 and 2014, those candidates facing serious criminal charges were about 78% more likely to win an MP election than those not facing such charges.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Political scientist Milan Vaishnav identifies two competing narratives on the relationship between electability and these two parameters: wealth and the number of serious criminal cases against a candidate. The &amp;ldquo;representative&amp;rdquo; position argues that voters prefer candidates with wealth and criminal cases against them because they have a greater capacity to deliver benefits and public works in the absence of an effective local bureaucracy, as is true in so much of India.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The &amp;ldquo;organisational&amp;rdquo; position argues that those with criminal cases against them win because they have stronger ground-level networks to build a campaign organisation, while wealthier candidates are advantaged due to the need to self-finance increasingly expensive campaigns. In short, the representative position, unlike the organisational position, suggests a positive association between these two characteristics of a candidate and the utilisation of MPLADS funds. On the other hand, if wealth and the presence of serious criminal cases is associated with &amp;ldquo;lower quality&amp;rdquo; representation, then these characteristics should be negatively associated with the utilisation of MPLADS funds.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/which-mps-utilise-constituency-funds-the-best/story-nFhrRN5WhiQlgDNMjZIUdK.html&quot; title=&quot;https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/which-mps-utilise-constituency-funds-the-best/story-nFhrRN5WhiQlgDNMjZIUdK.html&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;&#039;
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-Hindustan Times

With the rising costs of campaigns, parties have increasing incentives to field richer candidates with criminal cases against them &mdash; precisely those who do a worse job of representing and working for the welfare of their constituents.

Are Members of..."/>
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                <strong>Which MPs utilise constituency funds the best? -Neelanjan Sircar</strong></h1>
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                <div align="justify">-Hindustan Times<br /><br /><em>With the rising costs of campaigns, parties have increasing incentives to field richer candidates with criminal cases against them &mdash; precisely those who do a worse job of representing and working for the welfare of their constituents.<br /></em><br />Are Members of Parliament (MPs) genuinely interested in giving back to the voters who elected them? Since 1993, MPs have been allotted money under the Members of Parliament Local Area Development Scheme (MPLADS) to spend as they see fit on public works in their constituencies. In fact, MPs are now given Rs 5 crore per year under MPLADS &mdash; but a lot of this money goes unspent. Among those MPs that served a full term in the 15th Lok Sabha (2009-2014), only 23% spent all of the funds allotted to them.<br /><br />One of the most important jobs of political representatives is to work for the welfare of their constituency. Unlike other sources of constituency-level funds, MPLADS is completely standardised in how it is allotted to MPs &mdash; unfettered by concerns of party, hierarchy, social status, or seniority. Thus, the utilisation of MPLADS money provides an unadulterated measure of an MP&rsquo;s willingness and capacity to spend funds on constituency-level development.<br /><br />Naturally, one is interested in the characteristics of MPs that predict higher or lower utilisation of MPLADS funds. As discussed in my previous column, India has experienced a worrying increase in the wealth of politicians contesting elections, as well as the number of elected politicians facing serious criminal cases. The median wealth of competitive MP candidates has risen seven fold between 2004 and 2014, and the percentage of elected MPs facing serious cases has risen by 75% over the same period.<br /><br />It is now well-established that wealthier candidates and candidates with criminal cases against them win elections at a higher rate.<br /><br />By the 2014 national election, the median wealth of the top two finishers in a constituency was more than 20 times that of the median wealth of the other less competitive candidates. Even among the top two finishers, the wealthier candidate was about 5% more likely to win the election. Between 2004 and 2014, those candidates facing serious criminal charges were about 78% more likely to win an MP election than those not facing such charges.<br /><br />Political scientist Milan Vaishnav identifies two competing narratives on the relationship between electability and these two parameters: wealth and the number of serious criminal cases against a candidate. The &ldquo;representative&rdquo; position argues that voters prefer candidates with wealth and criminal cases against them because they have a greater capacity to deliver benefits and public works in the absence of an effective local bureaucracy, as is true in so much of India.<br /><br />The &ldquo;organisational&rdquo; position argues that those with criminal cases against them win because they have stronger ground-level networks to build a campaign organisation, while wealthier candidates are advantaged due to the need to self-finance increasingly expensive campaigns. In short, the representative position, unlike the organisational position, suggests a positive association between these two characteristics of a candidate and the utilisation of MPLADS funds. On the other hand, if wealth and the presence of serious criminal cases is associated with &ldquo;lower quality&rdquo; representation, then these characteristics should be negatively associated with the utilisation of MPLADS funds.<br /><br />Please <a href="https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/which-mps-utilise-constituency-funds-the-best/story-nFhrRN5WhiQlgDNMjZIUdK.html" title="https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/which-mps-utilise-constituency-funds-the-best/story-nFhrRN5WhiQlgDNMjZIUdK.html">click here</a> to read more. <br /></div>               </font>
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-Hindustan Times<br />
<br />
<em>With the rising costs of campaigns, parties have increasing incentives to field richer candidates with criminal cases against them &mdash; precisely those who do a worse job of representing and working for the welfare of their constituents.<br />
</em><br />
Are Members of Parliament (MPs) genuinely interested in giving back to the voters who elected them? Since 1993, MPs have been allotted money under the Members of Parliament Local Area Development Scheme (MPLADS) to spend as they see fit on public works in their constituencies. In fact, MPs are now given Rs 5 crore per year under MPLADS &mdash; but a lot of this money goes unspent. Among those MPs that served a full term in the 15th Lok Sabha (2009-2014), only 23% spent all of the funds allotted to them.<br />
<br />
One of the most important jobs of political representatives is to work for the welfare of their constituency. Unlike other sources of constituency-level funds, MPLADS is completely standardised in how it is allotted to MPs &mdash; unfettered by concerns of party, hierarchy, social status, or seniority. Thus, the utilisation of MPLADS money provides an unadulterated measure of an MP&rsquo;s willingness and capacity to spend funds on constituency-level development.<br />
<br />
Naturally, one is interested in the characteristics of MPs that predict higher or lower utilisation of MPLADS funds. As discussed in my previous column, India has experienced a worrying increase in the wealth of politicians contesting elections, as well as the number of elected politicians facing serious criminal cases. The median wealth of competitive MP candidates has risen seven fold between 2004 and 2014, and the percentage of elected MPs facing serious cases has risen by 75% over the same period.<br />
<br />
It is now well-established that wealthier candidates and candidates with criminal cases against them win elections at a higher rate.<br />
<br />
By the 2014 national election, the median wealth of the top two finishers in a constituency was more than 20 times that of the median wealth of the other less competitive candidates. Even among the top two finishers, the wealthier candidate was about 5% more likely to win the election. Between 2004 and 2014, those candidates facing serious criminal charges were about 78% more likely to win an MP election than those not facing such charges.<br />
<br />
Political scientist Milan Vaishnav identifies two competing narratives on the relationship between electability and these two parameters: wealth and the number of serious criminal cases against a candidate. The &ldquo;representative&rdquo; position argues that voters prefer candidates with wealth and criminal cases against them because they have a greater capacity to deliver benefits and public works in the absence of an effective local bureaucracy, as is true in so much of India.<br />
<br />
The &ldquo;organisational&rdquo; position argues that those with criminal cases against them win because they have stronger ground-level networks to build a campaign organisation, while wealthier candidates are advantaged due to the need to self-finance increasingly expensive campaigns. In short, the representative position, unlike the organisational position, suggests a positive association between these two characteristics of a candidate and the utilisation of MPLADS funds. On the other hand, if wealth and the presence of serious criminal cases is associated with &ldquo;lower quality&rdquo; representation, then these characteristics should be negatively associated with the utilisation of MPLADS funds.<br />
<br />
Please <a href="https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/which-mps-utilise-constituency-funds-the-best/story-nFhrRN5WhiQlgDNMjZIUdK.html">click here</a> to read more. <br />
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-Hindustan Times

With the rising costs of campaigns, parties have increasing incentives to field richer candidates with criminal cases against them &mdash; precisely those who do a worse job of representing and working for the welfare of their constituents.

Are Members of...',
	'disp' => '<div align="justify">-Hindustan Times<br /><br /><em>With the rising costs of campaigns, parties have increasing incentives to field richer candidates with criminal cases against them &mdash; precisely those who do a worse job of representing and working for the welfare of their constituents.<br /></em><br />Are Members of Parliament (MPs) genuinely interested in giving back to the voters who elected them? Since 1993, MPs have been allotted money under the Members of Parliament Local Area Development Scheme (MPLADS) to spend as they see fit on public works in their constituencies. In fact, MPs are now given Rs 5 crore per year under MPLADS &mdash; but a lot of this money goes unspent. Among those MPs that served a full term in the 15th Lok Sabha (2009-2014), only 23% spent all of the funds allotted to them.<br /><br />One of the most important jobs of political representatives is to work for the welfare of their constituency. Unlike other sources of constituency-level funds, MPLADS is completely standardised in how it is allotted to MPs &mdash; unfettered by concerns of party, hierarchy, social status, or seniority. Thus, the utilisation of MPLADS money provides an unadulterated measure of an MP&rsquo;s willingness and capacity to spend funds on constituency-level development.<br /><br />Naturally, one is interested in the characteristics of MPs that predict higher or lower utilisation of MPLADS funds. As discussed in my previous column, India has experienced a worrying increase in the wealth of politicians contesting elections, as well as the number of elected politicians facing serious criminal cases. The median wealth of competitive MP candidates has risen seven fold between 2004 and 2014, and the percentage of elected MPs facing serious cases has risen by 75% over the same period.<br /><br />It is now well-established that wealthier candidates and candidates with criminal cases against them win elections at a higher rate.<br /><br />By the 2014 national election, the median wealth of the top two finishers in a constituency was more than 20 times that of the median wealth of the other less competitive candidates. Even among the top two finishers, the wealthier candidate was about 5% more likely to win the election. Between 2004 and 2014, those candidates facing serious criminal charges were about 78% more likely to win an MP election than those not facing such charges.<br /><br />Political scientist Milan Vaishnav identifies two competing narratives on the relationship between electability and these two parameters: wealth and the number of serious criminal cases against a candidate. The &ldquo;representative&rdquo; position argues that voters prefer candidates with wealth and criminal cases against them because they have a greater capacity to deliver benefits and public works in the absence of an effective local bureaucracy, as is true in so much of India.<br /><br />The &ldquo;organisational&rdquo; position argues that those with criminal cases against them win because they have stronger ground-level networks to build a campaign organisation, while wealthier candidates are advantaged due to the need to self-finance increasingly expensive campaigns. In short, the representative position, unlike the organisational position, suggests a positive association between these two characteristics of a candidate and the utilisation of MPLADS funds. On the other hand, if wealth and the presence of serious criminal cases is associated with &ldquo;lower quality&rdquo; representation, then these characteristics should be negatively associated with the utilisation of MPLADS funds.<br /><br />Please <a href="https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/which-mps-utilise-constituency-funds-the-best/story-nFhrRN5WhiQlgDNMjZIUdK.html" title="https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/which-mps-utilise-constituency-funds-the-best/story-nFhrRN5WhiQlgDNMjZIUdK.html">click here</a> to read more. <br /></div>',
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	'title' => 'Which MPs utilise constituency funds the best? -Neelanjan Sircar',
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-Hindustan Times<br />
<br />
<em>With the rising costs of campaigns, parties have increasing incentives to field richer candidates with criminal cases against them &mdash; precisely those who do a worse job of representing and working for the welfare of their constituents.<br />
</em><br />
Are Members of Parliament (MPs) genuinely interested in giving back to the voters who elected them? Since 1993, MPs have been allotted money under the Members of Parliament Local Area Development Scheme (MPLADS) to spend as they see fit on public works in their constituencies. In fact, MPs are now given Rs 5 crore per year under MPLADS &mdash; but a lot of this money goes unspent. Among those MPs that served a full term in the 15th Lok Sabha (2009-2014), only 23% spent all of the funds allotted to them.<br />
<br />
One of the most important jobs of political representatives is to work for the welfare of their constituency. Unlike other sources of constituency-level funds, MPLADS is completely standardised in how it is allotted to MPs &mdash; unfettered by concerns of party, hierarchy, social status, or seniority. Thus, the utilisation of MPLADS money provides an unadulterated measure of an MP&rsquo;s willingness and capacity to spend funds on constituency-level development.<br />
<br />
Naturally, one is interested in the characteristics of MPs that predict higher or lower utilisation of MPLADS funds. As discussed in my previous column, India has experienced a worrying increase in the wealth of politicians contesting elections, as well as the number of elected politicians facing serious criminal cases. The median wealth of competitive MP candidates has risen seven fold between 2004 and 2014, and the percentage of elected MPs facing serious cases has risen by 75% over the same period.<br />
<br />
It is now well-established that wealthier candidates and candidates with criminal cases against them win elections at a higher rate.<br />
<br />
By the 2014 national election, the median wealth of the top two finishers in a constituency was more than 20 times that of the median wealth of the other less competitive candidates. Even among the top two finishers, the wealthier candidate was about 5% more likely to win the election. Between 2004 and 2014, those candidates facing serious criminal charges were about 78% more likely to win an MP election than those not facing such charges.<br />
<br />
Political scientist Milan Vaishnav identifies two competing narratives on the relationship between electability and these two parameters: wealth and the number of serious criminal cases against a candidate. The &ldquo;representative&rdquo; position argues that voters prefer candidates with wealth and criminal cases against them because they have a greater capacity to deliver benefits and public works in the absence of an effective local bureaucracy, as is true in so much of India.<br />
<br />
The &ldquo;organisational&rdquo; position argues that those with criminal cases against them win because they have stronger ground-level networks to build a campaign organisation, while wealthier candidates are advantaged due to the need to self-finance increasingly expensive campaigns. In short, the representative position, unlike the organisational position, suggests a positive association between these two characteristics of a candidate and the utilisation of MPLADS funds. On the other hand, if wealth and the presence of serious criminal cases is associated with &ldquo;lower quality&rdquo; representation, then these characteristics should be negatively associated with the utilisation of MPLADS funds.<br />
<br />
Please <a href="https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/which-mps-utilise-constituency-funds-the-best/story-nFhrRN5WhiQlgDNMjZIUdK.html">click here</a> to read more. <br />
</div>',
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-Hindustan Times

With the rising costs of campaigns, parties have increasing incentives to field richer candidates with criminal cases against them &mdash; precisely those who do a worse job of representing and working for the welfare of their constituents.

Are Members of...'
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Which MPs utilise constituency funds the best? -Neelanjan Sircar

-Hindustan Times With the rising costs of campaigns, parties have increasing incentives to field richer candidates with criminal cases against them — precisely those who do a worse job of representing and working for the welfare of their constituents. Are Members of Parliament (MPs) genuinely interested in giving back to the voters who elected them? Since 1993, MPs have been allotted money under the Members of Parliament Local Area Development Scheme (MPLADS) to spend as they see fit on public works in their constituencies. In fact, MPs are now given Rs 5 crore per year under MPLADS — but a lot of this money goes unspent. Among those MPs that served a full term in the 15th Lok Sabha (2009-2014), only 23% spent all of the funds allotted to them. One of the most important jobs of political representatives is to work for the welfare of their constituency. Unlike other sources of constituency-level funds, MPLADS is completely standardised in how it is allotted to MPs — unfettered by concerns of party, hierarchy, social status, or seniority. Thus, the utilisation of MPLADS money provides an unadulterated measure of an MP’s willingness and capacity to spend funds on constituency-level development. Naturally, one is interested in the characteristics of MPs that predict higher or lower utilisation of MPLADS funds. As discussed in my previous column, India has experienced a worrying increase in the wealth of politicians contesting elections, as well as the number of elected politicians facing serious criminal cases. The median wealth of competitive MP candidates has risen seven fold between 2004 and 2014, and the percentage of elected MPs facing serious cases has risen by 75% over the same period. It is now well-established that wealthier candidates and candidates with criminal cases against them win elections at a higher rate. By the 2014 national election, the median wealth of the top two finishers in a constituency was more than 20 times that of the median wealth of the other less competitive candidates. Even among the top two finishers, the wealthier candidate was about 5% more likely to win the election. Between 2004 and 2014, those candidates facing serious criminal charges were about 78% more likely to win an MP election than those not facing such charges. Political scientist Milan Vaishnav identifies two competing narratives on the relationship between electability and these two parameters: wealth and the number of serious criminal cases against a candidate. The “representative” position argues that voters prefer candidates with wealth and criminal cases against them because they have a greater capacity to deliver benefits and public works in the absence of an effective local bureaucracy, as is true in so much of India. The “organisational” position argues that those with criminal cases against them win because they have stronger ground-level networks to build a campaign organisation, while wealthier candidates are advantaged due to the need to self-finance increasingly expensive campaigns. In short, the representative position, unlike the organisational position, suggests a positive association between these two characteristics of a candidate and the utilisation of MPLADS funds. On the other hand, if wealth and the presence of serious criminal cases is associated with “lower quality” representation, then these characteristics should be negatively associated with the utilisation of MPLADS funds. Please click here to read more.