Deprecated (16384): The ArrayAccess methods will be removed in 4.0.0.Use getParam(), getData() and getQuery() instead. - /home/brlfuser/public_html/src/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line: 73
 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php. [CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311]
Code Context


        trigger_error($message, E_USER_DEPRECATED);

    }
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 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php.'
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deprecationWarning - CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311
Cake\Http\ServerRequest::offsetGet() - CORE/src/Http/ServerRequest.php, line 2421
App\Controller\ArtileDetailController::printArticle() - APP/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line 73
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Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Error\Middleware\ErrorHandlerMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Error/Middleware/ErrorHandlerMiddleware.php, line 96
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Http\Runner::run() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 51
Cake\Http\Server::run() - CORE/src/Http/Server.php, line 98

Deprecated (16384): The ArrayAccess methods will be removed in 4.0.0.Use getParam(), getData() and getQuery() instead. - /home/brlfuser/public_html/src/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line: 74
 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php. [CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311]
Code Context


        trigger_error($message, E_USER_DEPRECATED);

    }
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 You can disable deprecation warnings by setting `Error.errorLevel` to `E_ALL & ~E_USER_DEPRECATED` in your config/app.php.'
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deprecationWarning - CORE/src/Core/functions.php, line 311
Cake\Http\ServerRequest::offsetGet() - CORE/src/Http/ServerRequest.php, line 2421
App\Controller\ArtileDetailController::printArticle() - APP/Controller/ArtileDetailController.php, line 74
Cake\Controller\Controller::invokeAction() - CORE/src/Controller/Controller.php, line 610
Cake\Http\ActionDispatcher::_invoke() - CORE/src/Http/ActionDispatcher.php, line 120
Cake\Http\ActionDispatcher::dispatch() - CORE/src/Http/ActionDispatcher.php, line 94
Cake\Http\BaseApplication::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/BaseApplication.php, line 235
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Routing\Middleware\RoutingMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Routing/Middleware/RoutingMiddleware.php, line 162
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Routing\Middleware\AssetMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Routing/Middleware/AssetMiddleware.php, line 88
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Error\Middleware\ErrorHandlerMiddleware::__invoke() - CORE/src/Error/Middleware/ErrorHandlerMiddleware.php, line 96
Cake\Http\Runner::__invoke() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 65
Cake\Http\Runner::run() - CORE/src/Http/Runner.php, line 51
Cake\Http\Server::run() - CORE/src/Http/Server.php, line 98

Warning (512): Unable to emit headers. Headers sent in file=/home/brlfuser/public_html/vendor/cakephp/cakephp/src/Error/Debugger.php line=853 [CORE/src/Http/ResponseEmitter.php, line 48]
Code Context
            if (Configure::read('debug')) {

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		&#039;title&#039; =&gt; &#039;Why we need a Constitution -Rajeev Bhargava&#039;,
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-The Hindu&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;Constitutions are needed not only to limit wielders of existing power but to empower those traditionally deprived of it&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
The recent judgment by the Supreme Court clarifying the respective jurisdictions of Delhi&amp;rsquo;s Lieutenant Governor and its elected representatives and specifying the limits of their powers once again underlies how fortunate we are to have the Constitution. Why should gratitude be expressed for living under a constitutional democracy? Why do we need a Constitution?&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Since an individual&amp;rsquo;s own personal power is severely limited, nothing valuable can be attained without the collective effort of individuals. A boulder cannot move a centimetre if one individual pushes it, but when pushed by dozens it goes places. Most human goods &amp;mdash; health, education, infrastructure, peace and harmony, economic growth, leisure and enjoyment, art and literature, narratives of self-understanding and collective heritage &amp;mdash; are realised by assembling power. However, once constituted, this indispensable collective power to do or achieve things can be used not to realise the collective good but for one&amp;rsquo;s own exclusive advantage, to secure things only for oneself. This can be done by forcing others to do what they would not otherwise do, to get them to act against their will, for one&amp;rsquo;s own benefit.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;Checking tyranny&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
It is a feature, particularly of modern societies, that this public or collective power is largely vested in the state relatively separate from society. It follows that state power meant for everyone&amp;rsquo;s good can be used by some over other members of society, to benefit just a few of its functionaries and their friends. Since the formation of states, therefore, humans have felt the need to not only garner collective power but also limit it, so that it is not exercised whimsically, arbitrarily, for self-aggrandisement and against the basic interests of the people. This is the key reason why we have a Constitution, which is not just any odd assortment of law and institutions but a framework of ground rules that acts as a bulwark against the tyrannical use of state power to dominate and oppress others.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In short, constitutions strive for a delicate balance to ensure that the collective power of society invested in the state is neither dissipated or fragmented to become ineffective (for this results in lawlessness and anarchy detrimental to the realisation of the good life), nor so tightly organised and untrammelled that it takes away our freedoms, becomes oppressive. The potential to abuse public power is inherent in the very exercise of it, an ever present possibility in all states. Thus, the earliest constitutions of the world developed to check the tyranny of our rulers.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
This idea of the Constitution presupposes an unbridgeable distance between people and the state; a powerless people who need the help of constitutional law to control state power. But what if people themselves wield state power? What if the power of the state comes from an originary power that resides in the demos, the people? State power might be limited not by some higher law but by the power of the people. Democracy, it might be argued, can function as an alternative to constitutions. When then have a Constitution?&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
This is an attractive but flawed idea. It is flawed because in practice, democratic power never really resides in all the people but largely, at the very least, in a temporarily constituted majority. Sometimes these majorities can even become permanent. Here, the tyranny of a ruler is replaced by the tyranny of the majority group. If so, we need constitutions to check the tyranny of a majoritarian, democratic state. This entails that very important issues pertaining to minority groups be freed from the contingencies of majority will, taken out of the decision-making arena of electoral democracies and made more or less non-negotiable. This is the point behind rights &amp;mdash; rights of individuals and minorities must not be trumped by majority preferences. This is the second reason why we need constitutions, or constitutional democracies.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;Prevent self-harm&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
But constitutions are required for a third reason: to protect everyone against human vulnerability in general. It is important not to forget that human beings are fallible, that they sometimes forget what is really good for them; they yield to temptations that bring them pleasure now but pain later. It is not unknown for people to act in the heat of the moment (out of anger, fear or intense hatred) only to rue the consequences of the decision later. Electing a person with strong authoritarian traits, for example. By providing a framework of law culled over years from collective experience and wisdom, constitutions prevent people from succumbing to currently fashionable whims and fancies, anticipating and redressing the excessively mercurial character of everyday politics. The guardians of India&amp;rsquo;s Constitution have ensured that destabilising swings of legislative moods generated by ephemeral passion or myopia do not alter its basic structure.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/why-we-need-a-constitution/article24361253.ece&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;&#039;,
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-The Hindu

Constitutions are needed not only to limit wielders of existing power but to empower those traditionally deprived of it

The recent judgment by the Supreme Court clarifying the respective jurisdictions of Delhi&amp;rsquo;s Lieutenant Governor and its elected representatives and specifying...&#039;,
	&#039;disp&#039; =&gt; &#039;&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;-The Hindu&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;Constitutions are needed not only to limit wielders of existing power but to empower those traditionally deprived of it&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The recent judgment by the Supreme Court clarifying the respective jurisdictions of Delhi&amp;rsquo;s Lieutenant Governor and its elected representatives and specifying the limits of their powers once again underlies how fortunate we are to have the Constitution. Why should gratitude be expressed for living under a constitutional democracy? Why do we need a Constitution?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Since an individual&amp;rsquo;s own personal power is severely limited, nothing valuable can be attained without the collective effort of individuals. A boulder cannot move a centimetre if one individual pushes it, but when pushed by dozens it goes places. Most human goods &amp;mdash; health, education, infrastructure, peace and harmony, economic growth, leisure and enjoyment, art and literature, narratives of self-understanding and collective heritage &amp;mdash; are realised by assembling power. However, once constituted, this indispensable collective power to do or achieve things can be used not to realise the collective good but for one&amp;rsquo;s own exclusive advantage, to secure things only for oneself. This can be done by forcing others to do what they would not otherwise do, to get them to act against their will, for one&amp;rsquo;s own benefit.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;Checking tyranny&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;It is a feature, particularly of modern societies, that this public or collective power is largely vested in the state relatively separate from society. It follows that state power meant for everyone&amp;rsquo;s good can be used by some over other members of society, to benefit just a few of its functionaries and their friends. Since the formation of states, therefore, humans have felt the need to not only garner collective power but also limit it, so that it is not exercised whimsically, arbitrarily, for self-aggrandisement and against the basic interests of the people. This is the key reason why we have a Constitution, which is not just any odd assortment of law and institutions but a framework of ground rules that acts as a bulwark against the tyrannical use of state power to dominate and oppress others.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In short, constitutions strive for a delicate balance to ensure that the collective power of society invested in the state is neither dissipated or fragmented to become ineffective (for this results in lawlessness and anarchy detrimental to the realisation of the good life), nor so tightly organised and untrammelled that it takes away our freedoms, becomes oppressive. The potential to abuse public power is inherent in the very exercise of it, an ever present possibility in all states. Thus, the earliest constitutions of the world developed to check the tyranny of our rulers.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This idea of the Constitution presupposes an unbridgeable distance between people and the state; a powerless people who need the help of constitutional law to control state power. But what if people themselves wield state power? What if the power of the state comes from an originary power that resides in the demos, the people? State power might be limited not by some higher law but by the power of the people. Democracy, it might be argued, can function as an alternative to constitutions. When then have a Constitution?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This is an attractive but flawed idea. It is flawed because in practice, democratic power never really resides in all the people but largely, at the very least, in a temporarily constituted majority. Sometimes these majorities can even become permanent. Here, the tyranny of a ruler is replaced by the tyranny of the majority group. If so, we need constitutions to check the tyranny of a majoritarian, democratic state. This entails that very important issues pertaining to minority groups be freed from the contingencies of majority will, taken out of the decision-making arena of electoral democracies and made more or less non-negotiable. This is the point behind rights &amp;mdash; rights of individuals and minorities must not be trumped by majority preferences. This is the second reason why we need constitutions, or constitutional democracies.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;Prevent self-harm&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;But constitutions are required for a third reason: to protect everyone against human vulnerability in general. It is important not to forget that human beings are fallible, that they sometimes forget what is really good for them; they yield to temptations that bring them pleasure now but pain later. It is not unknown for people to act in the heat of the moment (out of anger, fear or intense hatred) only to rue the consequences of the decision later. Electing a person with strong authoritarian traits, for example. By providing a framework of law culled over years from collective experience and wisdom, constitutions prevent people from succumbing to currently fashionable whims and fancies, anticipating and redressing the excessively mercurial character of everyday politics. The guardians of India&amp;rsquo;s Constitution have ensured that destabilising swings of legislative moods generated by ephemeral passion or myopia do not alter its basic structure.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/why-we-need-a-constitution/article24361253.ece&quot; title=&quot;https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/why-we-need-a-constitution/article24361253.ece&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;&#039;,
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	&#039;subheading&#039; =&gt; &#039;&#039;,
	&#039;description&#039; =&gt; &#039;&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;
-The Hindu&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;Constitutions are needed not only to limit wielders of existing power but to empower those traditionally deprived of it&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
The recent judgment by the Supreme Court clarifying the respective jurisdictions of Delhi&amp;rsquo;s Lieutenant Governor and its elected representatives and specifying the limits of their powers once again underlies how fortunate we are to have the Constitution. Why should gratitude be expressed for living under a constitutional democracy? Why do we need a Constitution?&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Since an individual&amp;rsquo;s own personal power is severely limited, nothing valuable can be attained without the collective effort of individuals. A boulder cannot move a centimetre if one individual pushes it, but when pushed by dozens it goes places. Most human goods &amp;mdash; health, education, infrastructure, peace and harmony, economic growth, leisure and enjoyment, art and literature, narratives of self-understanding and collective heritage &amp;mdash; are realised by assembling power. However, once constituted, this indispensable collective power to do or achieve things can be used not to realise the collective good but for one&amp;rsquo;s own exclusive advantage, to secure things only for oneself. This can be done by forcing others to do what they would not otherwise do, to get them to act against their will, for one&amp;rsquo;s own benefit.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;Checking tyranny&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
It is a feature, particularly of modern societies, that this public or collective power is largely vested in the state relatively separate from society. It follows that state power meant for everyone&amp;rsquo;s good can be used by some over other members of society, to benefit just a few of its functionaries and their friends. Since the formation of states, therefore, humans have felt the need to not only garner collective power but also limit it, so that it is not exercised whimsically, arbitrarily, for self-aggrandisement and against the basic interests of the people. This is the key reason why we have a Constitution, which is not just any odd assortment of law and institutions but a framework of ground rules that acts as a bulwark against the tyrannical use of state power to dominate and oppress others.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In short, constitutions strive for a delicate balance to ensure that the collective power of society invested in the state is neither dissipated or fragmented to become ineffective (for this results in lawlessness and anarchy detrimental to the realisation of the good life), nor so tightly organised and untrammelled that it takes away our freedoms, becomes oppressive. The potential to abuse public power is inherent in the very exercise of it, an ever present possibility in all states. Thus, the earliest constitutions of the world developed to check the tyranny of our rulers.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
This idea of the Constitution presupposes an unbridgeable distance between people and the state; a powerless people who need the help of constitutional law to control state power. But what if people themselves wield state power? What if the power of the state comes from an originary power that resides in the demos, the people? State power might be limited not by some higher law but by the power of the people. Democracy, it might be argued, can function as an alternative to constitutions. When then have a Constitution?&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
This is an attractive but flawed idea. It is flawed because in practice, democratic power never really resides in all the people but largely, at the very least, in a temporarily constituted majority. Sometimes these majorities can even become permanent. Here, the tyranny of a ruler is replaced by the tyranny of the majority group. If so, we need constitutions to check the tyranny of a majoritarian, democratic state. This entails that very important issues pertaining to minority groups be freed from the contingencies of majority will, taken out of the decision-making arena of electoral democracies and made more or less non-negotiable. This is the point behind rights &amp;mdash; rights of individuals and minorities must not be trumped by majority preferences. This is the second reason why we need constitutions, or constitutional democracies.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;Prevent self-harm&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
But constitutions are required for a third reason: to protect everyone against human vulnerability in general. It is important not to forget that human beings are fallible, that they sometimes forget what is really good for them; they yield to temptations that bring them pleasure now but pain later. It is not unknown for people to act in the heat of the moment (out of anger, fear or intense hatred) only to rue the consequences of the decision later. Electing a person with strong authoritarian traits, for example. By providing a framework of law culled over years from collective experience and wisdom, constitutions prevent people from succumbing to currently fashionable whims and fancies, anticipating and redressing the excessively mercurial character of everyday politics. The guardians of India&amp;rsquo;s Constitution have ensured that destabilising swings of legislative moods generated by ephemeral passion or myopia do not alter its basic structure.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/why-we-need-a-constitution/article24361253.ece&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;&#039;,
	&#039;credit_writer&#039; =&gt; &#039;The Hindu, 8 July, 2018, https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/why-we-need-a-constitution/article24361253.ece&#039;,
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-The Hindu

Constitutions are needed not only to limit wielders of existing power but to empower those traditionally deprived of it

The recent judgment by the Supreme Court clarifying the respective jurisdictions of Delhi&amp;rsquo;s Lieutenant Governor and its elected representatives and specifying...&#039;
$disp = &#039;&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;-The Hindu&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;Constitutions are needed not only to limit wielders of existing power but to empower those traditionally deprived of it&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The recent judgment by the Supreme Court clarifying the respective jurisdictions of Delhi&amp;rsquo;s Lieutenant Governor and its elected representatives and specifying the limits of their powers once again underlies how fortunate we are to have the Constitution. Why should gratitude be expressed for living under a constitutional democracy? Why do we need a Constitution?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Since an individual&amp;rsquo;s own personal power is severely limited, nothing valuable can be attained without the collective effort of individuals. A boulder cannot move a centimetre if one individual pushes it, but when pushed by dozens it goes places. Most human goods &amp;mdash; health, education, infrastructure, peace and harmony, economic growth, leisure and enjoyment, art and literature, narratives of self-understanding and collective heritage &amp;mdash; are realised by assembling power. However, once constituted, this indispensable collective power to do or achieve things can be used not to realise the collective good but for one&amp;rsquo;s own exclusive advantage, to secure things only for oneself. This can be done by forcing others to do what they would not otherwise do, to get them to act against their will, for one&amp;rsquo;s own benefit.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;Checking tyranny&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;It is a feature, particularly of modern societies, that this public or collective power is largely vested in the state relatively separate from society. It follows that state power meant for everyone&amp;rsquo;s good can be used by some over other members of society, to benefit just a few of its functionaries and their friends. Since the formation of states, therefore, humans have felt the need to not only garner collective power but also limit it, so that it is not exercised whimsically, arbitrarily, for self-aggrandisement and against the basic interests of the people. This is the key reason why we have a Constitution, which is not just any odd assortment of law and institutions but a framework of ground rules that acts as a bulwark against the tyrannical use of state power to dominate and oppress others.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In short, constitutions strive for a delicate balance to ensure that the collective power of society invested in the state is neither dissipated or fragmented to become ineffective (for this results in lawlessness and anarchy detrimental to the realisation of the good life), nor so tightly organised and untrammelled that it takes away our freedoms, becomes oppressive. The potential to abuse public power is inherent in the very exercise of it, an ever present possibility in all states. Thus, the earliest constitutions of the world developed to check the tyranny of our rulers.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This idea of the Constitution presupposes an unbridgeable distance between people and the state; a powerless people who need the help of constitutional law to control state power. But what if people themselves wield state power? What if the power of the state comes from an originary power that resides in the demos, the people? State power might be limited not by some higher law but by the power of the people. Democracy, it might be argued, can function as an alternative to constitutions. When then have a Constitution?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This is an attractive but flawed idea. It is flawed because in practice, democratic power never really resides in all the people but largely, at the very least, in a temporarily constituted majority. Sometimes these majorities can even become permanent. Here, the tyranny of a ruler is replaced by the tyranny of the majority group. If so, we need constitutions to check the tyranny of a majoritarian, democratic state. This entails that very important issues pertaining to minority groups be freed from the contingencies of majority will, taken out of the decision-making arena of electoral democracies and made more or less non-negotiable. This is the point behind rights &amp;mdash; rights of individuals and minorities must not be trumped by majority preferences. This is the second reason why we need constitutions, or constitutional democracies.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;Prevent self-harm&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;But constitutions are required for a third reason: to protect everyone against human vulnerability in general. It is important not to forget that human beings are fallible, that they sometimes forget what is really good for them; they yield to temptations that bring them pleasure now but pain later. It is not unknown for people to act in the heat of the moment (out of anger, fear or intense hatred) only to rue the consequences of the decision later. Electing a person with strong authoritarian traits, for example. By providing a framework of law culled over years from collective experience and wisdom, constitutions prevent people from succumbing to currently fashionable whims and fancies, anticipating and redressing the excessively mercurial character of everyday politics. The guardians of India&amp;rsquo;s Constitution have ensured that destabilising swings of legislative moods generated by ephemeral passion or myopia do not alter its basic structure.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/why-we-need-a-constitution/article24361253.ece&quot; title=&quot;https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/why-we-need-a-constitution/article24361253.ece&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;&#039;
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Constitutions are needed not only to limit wielders of existing power but to empower those traditionally deprived of it

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                <strong>Why we need a Constitution -Rajeev Bhargava</strong></h1>
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                <div align="justify">-The Hindu<br /><br /><em>Constitutions are needed not only to limit wielders of existing power but to empower those traditionally deprived of it<br /></em><br />The recent judgment by the Supreme Court clarifying the respective jurisdictions of Delhi&rsquo;s Lieutenant Governor and its elected representatives and specifying the limits of their powers once again underlies how fortunate we are to have the Constitution. Why should gratitude be expressed for living under a constitutional democracy? Why do we need a Constitution?<br /><br />Since an individual&rsquo;s own personal power is severely limited, nothing valuable can be attained without the collective effort of individuals. A boulder cannot move a centimetre if one individual pushes it, but when pushed by dozens it goes places. Most human goods &mdash; health, education, infrastructure, peace and harmony, economic growth, leisure and enjoyment, art and literature, narratives of self-understanding and collective heritage &mdash; are realised by assembling power. However, once constituted, this indispensable collective power to do or achieve things can be used not to realise the collective good but for one&rsquo;s own exclusive advantage, to secure things only for oneself. This can be done by forcing others to do what they would not otherwise do, to get them to act against their will, for one&rsquo;s own benefit.<br /><br /><em>Checking tyranny<br /></em><br />It is a feature, particularly of modern societies, that this public or collective power is largely vested in the state relatively separate from society. It follows that state power meant for everyone&rsquo;s good can be used by some over other members of society, to benefit just a few of its functionaries and their friends. Since the formation of states, therefore, humans have felt the need to not only garner collective power but also limit it, so that it is not exercised whimsically, arbitrarily, for self-aggrandisement and against the basic interests of the people. This is the key reason why we have a Constitution, which is not just any odd assortment of law and institutions but a framework of ground rules that acts as a bulwark against the tyrannical use of state power to dominate and oppress others.<br /><br />In short, constitutions strive for a delicate balance to ensure that the collective power of society invested in the state is neither dissipated or fragmented to become ineffective (for this results in lawlessness and anarchy detrimental to the realisation of the good life), nor so tightly organised and untrammelled that it takes away our freedoms, becomes oppressive. The potential to abuse public power is inherent in the very exercise of it, an ever present possibility in all states. Thus, the earliest constitutions of the world developed to check the tyranny of our rulers.<br /><br />This idea of the Constitution presupposes an unbridgeable distance between people and the state; a powerless people who need the help of constitutional law to control state power. But what if people themselves wield state power? What if the power of the state comes from an originary power that resides in the demos, the people? State power might be limited not by some higher law but by the power of the people. Democracy, it might be argued, can function as an alternative to constitutions. When then have a Constitution?<br /><br />This is an attractive but flawed idea. It is flawed because in practice, democratic power never really resides in all the people but largely, at the very least, in a temporarily constituted majority. Sometimes these majorities can even become permanent. Here, the tyranny of a ruler is replaced by the tyranny of the majority group. If so, we need constitutions to check the tyranny of a majoritarian, democratic state. This entails that very important issues pertaining to minority groups be freed from the contingencies of majority will, taken out of the decision-making arena of electoral democracies and made more or less non-negotiable. This is the point behind rights &mdash; rights of individuals and minorities must not be trumped by majority preferences. This is the second reason why we need constitutions, or constitutional democracies.<br /><br /><em>Prevent self-harm<br /></em><br />But constitutions are required for a third reason: to protect everyone against human vulnerability in general. It is important not to forget that human beings are fallible, that they sometimes forget what is really good for them; they yield to temptations that bring them pleasure now but pain later. It is not unknown for people to act in the heat of the moment (out of anger, fear or intense hatred) only to rue the consequences of the decision later. Electing a person with strong authoritarian traits, for example. By providing a framework of law culled over years from collective experience and wisdom, constitutions prevent people from succumbing to currently fashionable whims and fancies, anticipating and redressing the excessively mercurial character of everyday politics. The guardians of India&rsquo;s Constitution have ensured that destabilising swings of legislative moods generated by ephemeral passion or myopia do not alter its basic structure.<br /><br />Please <a href="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/why-we-need-a-constitution/article24361253.ece" title="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/why-we-need-a-constitution/article24361253.ece">click here</a> to read more. <br /></div>               </font>
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-The Hindu&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;Constitutions are needed not only to limit wielders of existing power but to empower those traditionally deprived of it&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
The recent judgment by the Supreme Court clarifying the respective jurisdictions of Delhi&amp;rsquo;s Lieutenant Governor and its elected representatives and specifying the limits of their powers once again underlies how fortunate we are to have the Constitution. Why should gratitude be expressed for living under a constitutional democracy? Why do we need a Constitution?&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Since an individual&amp;rsquo;s own personal power is severely limited, nothing valuable can be attained without the collective effort of individuals. A boulder cannot move a centimetre if one individual pushes it, but when pushed by dozens it goes places. Most human goods &amp;mdash; health, education, infrastructure, peace and harmony, economic growth, leisure and enjoyment, art and literature, narratives of self-understanding and collective heritage &amp;mdash; are realised by assembling power. However, once constituted, this indispensable collective power to do or achieve things can be used not to realise the collective good but for one&amp;rsquo;s own exclusive advantage, to secure things only for oneself. This can be done by forcing others to do what they would not otherwise do, to get them to act against their will, for one&amp;rsquo;s own benefit.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;Checking tyranny&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
It is a feature, particularly of modern societies, that this public or collective power is largely vested in the state relatively separate from society. It follows that state power meant for everyone&amp;rsquo;s good can be used by some over other members of society, to benefit just a few of its functionaries and their friends. Since the formation of states, therefore, humans have felt the need to not only garner collective power but also limit it, so that it is not exercised whimsically, arbitrarily, for self-aggrandisement and against the basic interests of the people. This is the key reason why we have a Constitution, which is not just any odd assortment of law and institutions but a framework of ground rules that acts as a bulwark against the tyrannical use of state power to dominate and oppress others.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In short, constitutions strive for a delicate balance to ensure that the collective power of society invested in the state is neither dissipated or fragmented to become ineffective (for this results in lawlessness and anarchy detrimental to the realisation of the good life), nor so tightly organised and untrammelled that it takes away our freedoms, becomes oppressive. The potential to abuse public power is inherent in the very exercise of it, an ever present possibility in all states. Thus, the earliest constitutions of the world developed to check the tyranny of our rulers.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
This idea of the Constitution presupposes an unbridgeable distance between people and the state; a powerless people who need the help of constitutional law to control state power. But what if people themselves wield state power? What if the power of the state comes from an originary power that resides in the demos, the people? State power might be limited not by some higher law but by the power of the people. Democracy, it might be argued, can function as an alternative to constitutions. When then have a Constitution?&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
This is an attractive but flawed idea. It is flawed because in practice, democratic power never really resides in all the people but largely, at the very least, in a temporarily constituted majority. Sometimes these majorities can even become permanent. Here, the tyranny of a ruler is replaced by the tyranny of the majority group. If so, we need constitutions to check the tyranny of a majoritarian, democratic state. This entails that very important issues pertaining to minority groups be freed from the contingencies of majority will, taken out of the decision-making arena of electoral democracies and made more or less non-negotiable. This is the point behind rights &amp;mdash; rights of individuals and minorities must not be trumped by majority preferences. This is the second reason why we need constitutions, or constitutional democracies.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;Prevent self-harm&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
But constitutions are required for a third reason: to protect everyone against human vulnerability in general. It is important not to forget that human beings are fallible, that they sometimes forget what is really good for them; they yield to temptations that bring them pleasure now but pain later. It is not unknown for people to act in the heat of the moment (out of anger, fear or intense hatred) only to rue the consequences of the decision later. Electing a person with strong authoritarian traits, for example. By providing a framework of law culled over years from collective experience and wisdom, constitutions prevent people from succumbing to currently fashionable whims and fancies, anticipating and redressing the excessively mercurial character of everyday politics. The guardians of India&amp;rsquo;s Constitution have ensured that destabilising swings of legislative moods generated by ephemeral passion or myopia do not alter its basic structure.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/why-we-need-a-constitution/article24361253.ece&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;&#039;,
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Constitutions are needed not only to limit wielders of existing power but to empower those traditionally deprived of it

The recent judgment by the Supreme Court clarifying the respective jurisdictions of Delhi&amp;rsquo;s Lieutenant Governor and its elected representatives and specifying...&#039;,
	&#039;disp&#039; =&gt; &#039;&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;-The Hindu&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;Constitutions are needed not only to limit wielders of existing power but to empower those traditionally deprived of it&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The recent judgment by the Supreme Court clarifying the respective jurisdictions of Delhi&amp;rsquo;s Lieutenant Governor and its elected representatives and specifying the limits of their powers once again underlies how fortunate we are to have the Constitution. Why should gratitude be expressed for living under a constitutional democracy? Why do we need a Constitution?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Since an individual&amp;rsquo;s own personal power is severely limited, nothing valuable can be attained without the collective effort of individuals. A boulder cannot move a centimetre if one individual pushes it, but when pushed by dozens it goes places. Most human goods &amp;mdash; health, education, infrastructure, peace and harmony, economic growth, leisure and enjoyment, art and literature, narratives of self-understanding and collective heritage &amp;mdash; are realised by assembling power. However, once constituted, this indispensable collective power to do or achieve things can be used not to realise the collective good but for one&amp;rsquo;s own exclusive advantage, to secure things only for oneself. This can be done by forcing others to do what they would not otherwise do, to get them to act against their will, for one&amp;rsquo;s own benefit.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;Checking tyranny&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;It is a feature, particularly of modern societies, that this public or collective power is largely vested in the state relatively separate from society. It follows that state power meant for everyone&amp;rsquo;s good can be used by some over other members of society, to benefit just a few of its functionaries and their friends. Since the formation of states, therefore, humans have felt the need to not only garner collective power but also limit it, so that it is not exercised whimsically, arbitrarily, for self-aggrandisement and against the basic interests of the people. This is the key reason why we have a Constitution, which is not just any odd assortment of law and institutions but a framework of ground rules that acts as a bulwark against the tyrannical use of state power to dominate and oppress others.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In short, constitutions strive for a delicate balance to ensure that the collective power of society invested in the state is neither dissipated or fragmented to become ineffective (for this results in lawlessness and anarchy detrimental to the realisation of the good life), nor so tightly organised and untrammelled that it takes away our freedoms, becomes oppressive. The potential to abuse public power is inherent in the very exercise of it, an ever present possibility in all states. Thus, the earliest constitutions of the world developed to check the tyranny of our rulers.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This idea of the Constitution presupposes an unbridgeable distance between people and the state; a powerless people who need the help of constitutional law to control state power. But what if people themselves wield state power? What if the power of the state comes from an originary power that resides in the demos, the people? State power might be limited not by some higher law but by the power of the people. Democracy, it might be argued, can function as an alternative to constitutions. When then have a Constitution?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This is an attractive but flawed idea. It is flawed because in practice, democratic power never really resides in all the people but largely, at the very least, in a temporarily constituted majority. Sometimes these majorities can even become permanent. Here, the tyranny of a ruler is replaced by the tyranny of the majority group. If so, we need constitutions to check the tyranny of a majoritarian, democratic state. This entails that very important issues pertaining to minority groups be freed from the contingencies of majority will, taken out of the decision-making arena of electoral democracies and made more or less non-negotiable. This is the point behind rights &amp;mdash; rights of individuals and minorities must not be trumped by majority preferences. This is the second reason why we need constitutions, or constitutional democracies.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;Prevent self-harm&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;But constitutions are required for a third reason: to protect everyone against human vulnerability in general. It is important not to forget that human beings are fallible, that they sometimes forget what is really good for them; they yield to temptations that bring them pleasure now but pain later. It is not unknown for people to act in the heat of the moment (out of anger, fear or intense hatred) only to rue the consequences of the decision later. Electing a person with strong authoritarian traits, for example. By providing a framework of law culled over years from collective experience and wisdom, constitutions prevent people from succumbing to currently fashionable whims and fancies, anticipating and redressing the excessively mercurial character of everyday politics. The guardians of India&amp;rsquo;s Constitution have ensured that destabilising swings of legislative moods generated by ephemeral passion or myopia do not alter its basic structure.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/why-we-need-a-constitution/article24361253.ece&quot; title=&quot;https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/why-we-need-a-constitution/article24361253.ece&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;&#039;,
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	&#039;title&#039; =&gt; &#039;Why we need a Constitution -Rajeev Bhargava&#039;,
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	&#039;description&#039; =&gt; &#039;&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;
-The Hindu&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;Constitutions are needed not only to limit wielders of existing power but to empower those traditionally deprived of it&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
The recent judgment by the Supreme Court clarifying the respective jurisdictions of Delhi&amp;rsquo;s Lieutenant Governor and its elected representatives and specifying the limits of their powers once again underlies how fortunate we are to have the Constitution. Why should gratitude be expressed for living under a constitutional democracy? Why do we need a Constitution?&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Since an individual&amp;rsquo;s own personal power is severely limited, nothing valuable can be attained without the collective effort of individuals. A boulder cannot move a centimetre if one individual pushes it, but when pushed by dozens it goes places. Most human goods &amp;mdash; health, education, infrastructure, peace and harmony, economic growth, leisure and enjoyment, art and literature, narratives of self-understanding and collective heritage &amp;mdash; are realised by assembling power. However, once constituted, this indispensable collective power to do or achieve things can be used not to realise the collective good but for one&amp;rsquo;s own exclusive advantage, to secure things only for oneself. This can be done by forcing others to do what they would not otherwise do, to get them to act against their will, for one&amp;rsquo;s own benefit.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;Checking tyranny&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
It is a feature, particularly of modern societies, that this public or collective power is largely vested in the state relatively separate from society. It follows that state power meant for everyone&amp;rsquo;s good can be used by some over other members of society, to benefit just a few of its functionaries and their friends. Since the formation of states, therefore, humans have felt the need to not only garner collective power but also limit it, so that it is not exercised whimsically, arbitrarily, for self-aggrandisement and against the basic interests of the people. This is the key reason why we have a Constitution, which is not just any odd assortment of law and institutions but a framework of ground rules that acts as a bulwark against the tyrannical use of state power to dominate and oppress others.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In short, constitutions strive for a delicate balance to ensure that the collective power of society invested in the state is neither dissipated or fragmented to become ineffective (for this results in lawlessness and anarchy detrimental to the realisation of the good life), nor so tightly organised and untrammelled that it takes away our freedoms, becomes oppressive. The potential to abuse public power is inherent in the very exercise of it, an ever present possibility in all states. Thus, the earliest constitutions of the world developed to check the tyranny of our rulers.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
This idea of the Constitution presupposes an unbridgeable distance between people and the state; a powerless people who need the help of constitutional law to control state power. But what if people themselves wield state power? What if the power of the state comes from an originary power that resides in the demos, the people? State power might be limited not by some higher law but by the power of the people. Democracy, it might be argued, can function as an alternative to constitutions. When then have a Constitution?&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
This is an attractive but flawed idea. It is flawed because in practice, democratic power never really resides in all the people but largely, at the very least, in a temporarily constituted majority. Sometimes these majorities can even become permanent. Here, the tyranny of a ruler is replaced by the tyranny of the majority group. If so, we need constitutions to check the tyranny of a majoritarian, democratic state. This entails that very important issues pertaining to minority groups be freed from the contingencies of majority will, taken out of the decision-making arena of electoral democracies and made more or less non-negotiable. This is the point behind rights &amp;mdash; rights of individuals and minorities must not be trumped by majority preferences. This is the second reason why we need constitutions, or constitutional democracies.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;Prevent self-harm&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
But constitutions are required for a third reason: to protect everyone against human vulnerability in general. It is important not to forget that human beings are fallible, that they sometimes forget what is really good for them; they yield to temptations that bring them pleasure now but pain later. It is not unknown for people to act in the heat of the moment (out of anger, fear or intense hatred) only to rue the consequences of the decision later. Electing a person with strong authoritarian traits, for example. By providing a framework of law culled over years from collective experience and wisdom, constitutions prevent people from succumbing to currently fashionable whims and fancies, anticipating and redressing the excessively mercurial character of everyday politics. The guardians of India&amp;rsquo;s Constitution have ensured that destabilising swings of legislative moods generated by ephemeral passion or myopia do not alter its basic structure.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/why-we-need-a-constitution/article24361253.ece&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;&#039;,
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-The Hindu

Constitutions are needed not only to limit wielders of existing power but to empower those traditionally deprived of it

The recent judgment by the Supreme Court clarifying the respective jurisdictions of Delhi&amp;rsquo;s Lieutenant Governor and its elected representatives and specifying...&#039;
$disp = &#039;&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;-The Hindu&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;Constitutions are needed not only to limit wielders of existing power but to empower those traditionally deprived of it&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The recent judgment by the Supreme Court clarifying the respective jurisdictions of Delhi&amp;rsquo;s Lieutenant Governor and its elected representatives and specifying the limits of their powers once again underlies how fortunate we are to have the Constitution. Why should gratitude be expressed for living under a constitutional democracy? Why do we need a Constitution?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Since an individual&amp;rsquo;s own personal power is severely limited, nothing valuable can be attained without the collective effort of individuals. A boulder cannot move a centimetre if one individual pushes it, but when pushed by dozens it goes places. Most human goods &amp;mdash; health, education, infrastructure, peace and harmony, economic growth, leisure and enjoyment, art and literature, narratives of self-understanding and collective heritage &amp;mdash; are realised by assembling power. However, once constituted, this indispensable collective power to do or achieve things can be used not to realise the collective good but for one&amp;rsquo;s own exclusive advantage, to secure things only for oneself. This can be done by forcing others to do what they would not otherwise do, to get them to act against their will, for one&amp;rsquo;s own benefit.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;Checking tyranny&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;It is a feature, particularly of modern societies, that this public or collective power is largely vested in the state relatively separate from society. It follows that state power meant for everyone&amp;rsquo;s good can be used by some over other members of society, to benefit just a few of its functionaries and their friends. Since the formation of states, therefore, humans have felt the need to not only garner collective power but also limit it, so that it is not exercised whimsically, arbitrarily, for self-aggrandisement and against the basic interests of the people. This is the key reason why we have a Constitution, which is not just any odd assortment of law and institutions but a framework of ground rules that acts as a bulwark against the tyrannical use of state power to dominate and oppress others.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In short, constitutions strive for a delicate balance to ensure that the collective power of society invested in the state is neither dissipated or fragmented to become ineffective (for this results in lawlessness and anarchy detrimental to the realisation of the good life), nor so tightly organised and untrammelled that it takes away our freedoms, becomes oppressive. The potential to abuse public power is inherent in the very exercise of it, an ever present possibility in all states. Thus, the earliest constitutions of the world developed to check the tyranny of our rulers.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This idea of the Constitution presupposes an unbridgeable distance between people and the state; a powerless people who need the help of constitutional law to control state power. But what if people themselves wield state power? What if the power of the state comes from an originary power that resides in the demos, the people? State power might be limited not by some higher law but by the power of the people. Democracy, it might be argued, can function as an alternative to constitutions. When then have a Constitution?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This is an attractive but flawed idea. It is flawed because in practice, democratic power never really resides in all the people but largely, at the very least, in a temporarily constituted majority. Sometimes these majorities can even become permanent. Here, the tyranny of a ruler is replaced by the tyranny of the majority group. If so, we need constitutions to check the tyranny of a majoritarian, democratic state. This entails that very important issues pertaining to minority groups be freed from the contingencies of majority will, taken out of the decision-making arena of electoral democracies and made more or less non-negotiable. This is the point behind rights &amp;mdash; rights of individuals and minorities must not be trumped by majority preferences. This is the second reason why we need constitutions, or constitutional democracies.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;Prevent self-harm&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;But constitutions are required for a third reason: to protect everyone against human vulnerability in general. It is important not to forget that human beings are fallible, that they sometimes forget what is really good for them; they yield to temptations that bring them pleasure now but pain later. It is not unknown for people to act in the heat of the moment (out of anger, fear or intense hatred) only to rue the consequences of the decision later. Electing a person with strong authoritarian traits, for example. By providing a framework of law culled over years from collective experience and wisdom, constitutions prevent people from succumbing to currently fashionable whims and fancies, anticipating and redressing the excessively mercurial character of everyday politics. The guardians of India&amp;rsquo;s Constitution have ensured that destabilising swings of legislative moods generated by ephemeral passion or myopia do not alter its basic structure.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/why-we-need-a-constitution/article24361253.ece&quot; title=&quot;https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/why-we-need-a-constitution/article24361253.ece&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;&#039;
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-The Hindu

Constitutions are needed not only to limit wielders of existing power but to empower those traditionally deprived of it

The recent judgment by the Supreme Court clarifying the respective jurisdictions of Delhi&rsquo;s Lieutenant Governor and its elected representatives and specifying..."/>
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                <strong>Why we need a Constitution -Rajeev Bhargava</strong></h1>
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                <div align="justify">-The Hindu<br /><br /><em>Constitutions are needed not only to limit wielders of existing power but to empower those traditionally deprived of it<br /></em><br />The recent judgment by the Supreme Court clarifying the respective jurisdictions of Delhi&rsquo;s Lieutenant Governor and its elected representatives and specifying the limits of their powers once again underlies how fortunate we are to have the Constitution. Why should gratitude be expressed for living under a constitutional democracy? Why do we need a Constitution?<br /><br />Since an individual&rsquo;s own personal power is severely limited, nothing valuable can be attained without the collective effort of individuals. A boulder cannot move a centimetre if one individual pushes it, but when pushed by dozens it goes places. Most human goods &mdash; health, education, infrastructure, peace and harmony, economic growth, leisure and enjoyment, art and literature, narratives of self-understanding and collective heritage &mdash; are realised by assembling power. However, once constituted, this indispensable collective power to do or achieve things can be used not to realise the collective good but for one&rsquo;s own exclusive advantage, to secure things only for oneself. This can be done by forcing others to do what they would not otherwise do, to get them to act against their will, for one&rsquo;s own benefit.<br /><br /><em>Checking tyranny<br /></em><br />It is a feature, particularly of modern societies, that this public or collective power is largely vested in the state relatively separate from society. It follows that state power meant for everyone&rsquo;s good can be used by some over other members of society, to benefit just a few of its functionaries and their friends. Since the formation of states, therefore, humans have felt the need to not only garner collective power but also limit it, so that it is not exercised whimsically, arbitrarily, for self-aggrandisement and against the basic interests of the people. This is the key reason why we have a Constitution, which is not just any odd assortment of law and institutions but a framework of ground rules that acts as a bulwark against the tyrannical use of state power to dominate and oppress others.<br /><br />In short, constitutions strive for a delicate balance to ensure that the collective power of society invested in the state is neither dissipated or fragmented to become ineffective (for this results in lawlessness and anarchy detrimental to the realisation of the good life), nor so tightly organised and untrammelled that it takes away our freedoms, becomes oppressive. The potential to abuse public power is inherent in the very exercise of it, an ever present possibility in all states. Thus, the earliest constitutions of the world developed to check the tyranny of our rulers.<br /><br />This idea of the Constitution presupposes an unbridgeable distance between people and the state; a powerless people who need the help of constitutional law to control state power. But what if people themselves wield state power? What if the power of the state comes from an originary power that resides in the demos, the people? State power might be limited not by some higher law but by the power of the people. Democracy, it might be argued, can function as an alternative to constitutions. When then have a Constitution?<br /><br />This is an attractive but flawed idea. It is flawed because in practice, democratic power never really resides in all the people but largely, at the very least, in a temporarily constituted majority. Sometimes these majorities can even become permanent. Here, the tyranny of a ruler is replaced by the tyranny of the majority group. If so, we need constitutions to check the tyranny of a majoritarian, democratic state. This entails that very important issues pertaining to minority groups be freed from the contingencies of majority will, taken out of the decision-making arena of electoral democracies and made more or less non-negotiable. This is the point behind rights &mdash; rights of individuals and minorities must not be trumped by majority preferences. This is the second reason why we need constitutions, or constitutional democracies.<br /><br /><em>Prevent self-harm<br /></em><br />But constitutions are required for a third reason: to protect everyone against human vulnerability in general. It is important not to forget that human beings are fallible, that they sometimes forget what is really good for them; they yield to temptations that bring them pleasure now but pain later. It is not unknown for people to act in the heat of the moment (out of anger, fear or intense hatred) only to rue the consequences of the decision later. Electing a person with strong authoritarian traits, for example. By providing a framework of law culled over years from collective experience and wisdom, constitutions prevent people from succumbing to currently fashionable whims and fancies, anticipating and redressing the excessively mercurial character of everyday politics. The guardians of India&rsquo;s Constitution have ensured that destabilising swings of legislative moods generated by ephemeral passion or myopia do not alter its basic structure.<br /><br />Please <a href="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/why-we-need-a-constitution/article24361253.ece" title="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/why-we-need-a-constitution/article24361253.ece">click here</a> to read more. <br /></div>               </font>
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    <link rel="canonical" href="https://im4change.in/<pre class="cake-error"><a href="javascript:void(0);" onclick="document.getElementById('cakeErr67eff0c0a168a-trace').style.display = (document.getElementById('cakeErr67eff0c0a168a-trace').style.display == 'none' ? '' : 'none');"><b>Notice</b> (8)</a>: Undefined variable: urlPrefix [<b>APP/Template/Layout/printlayout.ctp</b>, line <b>8</b>]<div id="cakeErr67eff0c0a168a-trace" class="cake-stack-trace" style="display: none;"><a href="javascript:void(0);" onclick="document.getElementById('cakeErr67eff0c0a168a-code').style.display = (document.getElementById('cakeErr67eff0c0a168a-code').style.display == 'none' ? '' : 'none')">Code</a> <a href="javascript:void(0);" onclick="document.getElementById('cakeErr67eff0c0a168a-context').style.display = (document.getElementById('cakeErr67eff0c0a168a-context').style.display == 'none' ? '' : 'none')">Context</a><pre id="cakeErr67eff0c0a168a-code" class="cake-code-dump" style="display: none;"><code><span style="color: #000000"><span style="color: #0000BB"></span><span style="color: #007700">&lt;</span><span style="color: #0000BB">head</span><span style="color: #007700">&gt;
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<code><span style="color: #000000"><span style="color: #0000BB">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><span style="color: #007700">&lt;</span><span style="color: #0000BB">meta&nbsp;http</span><span style="color: #007700">-</span><span style="color: #0000BB">equiv</span><span style="color: #007700">=</span><span style="color: #DD0000">"Content-Type"&nbsp;</span><span style="color: #0000BB">content</span><span style="color: #007700">=</span><span style="color: #DD0000">"text/html;&nbsp;charset=utf-8"</span><span style="color: #007700">/&gt;
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-The Hindu&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;Constitutions are needed not only to limit wielders of existing power but to empower those traditionally deprived of it&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
The recent judgment by the Supreme Court clarifying the respective jurisdictions of Delhi&amp;rsquo;s Lieutenant Governor and its elected representatives and specifying the limits of their powers once again underlies how fortunate we are to have the Constitution. Why should gratitude be expressed for living under a constitutional democracy? Why do we need a Constitution?&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Since an individual&amp;rsquo;s own personal power is severely limited, nothing valuable can be attained without the collective effort of individuals. A boulder cannot move a centimetre if one individual pushes it, but when pushed by dozens it goes places. Most human goods &amp;mdash; health, education, infrastructure, peace and harmony, economic growth, leisure and enjoyment, art and literature, narratives of self-understanding and collective heritage &amp;mdash; are realised by assembling power. However, once constituted, this indispensable collective power to do or achieve things can be used not to realise the collective good but for one&amp;rsquo;s own exclusive advantage, to secure things only for oneself. This can be done by forcing others to do what they would not otherwise do, to get them to act against their will, for one&amp;rsquo;s own benefit.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;Checking tyranny&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
It is a feature, particularly of modern societies, that this public or collective power is largely vested in the state relatively separate from society. It follows that state power meant for everyone&amp;rsquo;s good can be used by some over other members of society, to benefit just a few of its functionaries and their friends. Since the formation of states, therefore, humans have felt the need to not only garner collective power but also limit it, so that it is not exercised whimsically, arbitrarily, for self-aggrandisement and against the basic interests of the people. This is the key reason why we have a Constitution, which is not just any odd assortment of law and institutions but a framework of ground rules that acts as a bulwark against the tyrannical use of state power to dominate and oppress others.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In short, constitutions strive for a delicate balance to ensure that the collective power of society invested in the state is neither dissipated or fragmented to become ineffective (for this results in lawlessness and anarchy detrimental to the realisation of the good life), nor so tightly organised and untrammelled that it takes away our freedoms, becomes oppressive. The potential to abuse public power is inherent in the very exercise of it, an ever present possibility in all states. Thus, the earliest constitutions of the world developed to check the tyranny of our rulers.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
This idea of the Constitution presupposes an unbridgeable distance between people and the state; a powerless people who need the help of constitutional law to control state power. But what if people themselves wield state power? What if the power of the state comes from an originary power that resides in the demos, the people? State power might be limited not by some higher law but by the power of the people. Democracy, it might be argued, can function as an alternative to constitutions. When then have a Constitution?&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
This is an attractive but flawed idea. It is flawed because in practice, democratic power never really resides in all the people but largely, at the very least, in a temporarily constituted majority. Sometimes these majorities can even become permanent. Here, the tyranny of a ruler is replaced by the tyranny of the majority group. If so, we need constitutions to check the tyranny of a majoritarian, democratic state. This entails that very important issues pertaining to minority groups be freed from the contingencies of majority will, taken out of the decision-making arena of electoral democracies and made more or less non-negotiable. This is the point behind rights &amp;mdash; rights of individuals and minorities must not be trumped by majority preferences. This is the second reason why we need constitutions, or constitutional democracies.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;Prevent self-harm&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
But constitutions are required for a third reason: to protect everyone against human vulnerability in general. It is important not to forget that human beings are fallible, that they sometimes forget what is really good for them; they yield to temptations that bring them pleasure now but pain later. It is not unknown for people to act in the heat of the moment (out of anger, fear or intense hatred) only to rue the consequences of the decision later. Electing a person with strong authoritarian traits, for example. By providing a framework of law culled over years from collective experience and wisdom, constitutions prevent people from succumbing to currently fashionable whims and fancies, anticipating and redressing the excessively mercurial character of everyday politics. The guardians of India&amp;rsquo;s Constitution have ensured that destabilising swings of legislative moods generated by ephemeral passion or myopia do not alter its basic structure.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/why-we-need-a-constitution/article24361253.ece&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;&#039;,
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Constitutions are needed not only to limit wielders of existing power but to empower those traditionally deprived of it

The recent judgment by the Supreme Court clarifying the respective jurisdictions of Delhi&amp;rsquo;s Lieutenant Governor and its elected representatives and specifying...&#039;,
	&#039;disp&#039; =&gt; &#039;&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;-The Hindu&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;Constitutions are needed not only to limit wielders of existing power but to empower those traditionally deprived of it&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The recent judgment by the Supreme Court clarifying the respective jurisdictions of Delhi&amp;rsquo;s Lieutenant Governor and its elected representatives and specifying the limits of their powers once again underlies how fortunate we are to have the Constitution. Why should gratitude be expressed for living under a constitutional democracy? Why do we need a Constitution?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Since an individual&amp;rsquo;s own personal power is severely limited, nothing valuable can be attained without the collective effort of individuals. A boulder cannot move a centimetre if one individual pushes it, but when pushed by dozens it goes places. Most human goods &amp;mdash; health, education, infrastructure, peace and harmony, economic growth, leisure and enjoyment, art and literature, narratives of self-understanding and collective heritage &amp;mdash; are realised by assembling power. However, once constituted, this indispensable collective power to do or achieve things can be used not to realise the collective good but for one&amp;rsquo;s own exclusive advantage, to secure things only for oneself. This can be done by forcing others to do what they would not otherwise do, to get them to act against their will, for one&amp;rsquo;s own benefit.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;Checking tyranny&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;It is a feature, particularly of modern societies, that this public or collective power is largely vested in the state relatively separate from society. It follows that state power meant for everyone&amp;rsquo;s good can be used by some over other members of society, to benefit just a few of its functionaries and their friends. Since the formation of states, therefore, humans have felt the need to not only garner collective power but also limit it, so that it is not exercised whimsically, arbitrarily, for self-aggrandisement and against the basic interests of the people. 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If so, we need constitutions to check the tyranny of a majoritarian, democratic state. This entails that very important issues pertaining to minority groups be freed from the contingencies of majority will, taken out of the decision-making arena of electoral democracies and made more or less non-negotiable. This is the point behind rights &amp;mdash; rights of individuals and minorities must not be trumped by majority preferences. This is the second reason why we need constitutions, or constitutional democracies.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;Prevent self-harm&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;But constitutions are required for a third reason: to protect everyone against human vulnerability in general. It is important not to forget that human beings are fallible, that they sometimes forget what is really good for them; they yield to temptations that bring them pleasure now but pain later. 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	&#039;description&#039; =&gt; &#039;&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;
-The Hindu&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;Constitutions are needed not only to limit wielders of existing power but to empower those traditionally deprived of it&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
The recent judgment by the Supreme Court clarifying the respective jurisdictions of Delhi&amp;rsquo;s Lieutenant Governor and its elected representatives and specifying the limits of their powers once again underlies how fortunate we are to have the Constitution. Why should gratitude be expressed for living under a constitutional democracy? Why do we need a Constitution?&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Since an individual&amp;rsquo;s own personal power is severely limited, nothing valuable can be attained without the collective effort of individuals. A boulder cannot move a centimetre if one individual pushes it, but when pushed by dozens it goes places. Most human goods &amp;mdash; health, education, infrastructure, peace and harmony, economic growth, leisure and enjoyment, art and literature, narratives of self-understanding and collective heritage &amp;mdash; are realised by assembling power. However, once constituted, this indispensable collective power to do or achieve things can be used not to realise the collective good but for one&amp;rsquo;s own exclusive advantage, to secure things only for oneself. This can be done by forcing others to do what they would not otherwise do, to get them to act against their will, for one&amp;rsquo;s own benefit.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;Checking tyranny&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
It is a feature, particularly of modern societies, that this public or collective power is largely vested in the state relatively separate from society. It follows that state power meant for everyone&amp;rsquo;s good can be used by some over other members of society, to benefit just a few of its functionaries and their friends. Since the formation of states, therefore, humans have felt the need to not only garner collective power but also limit it, so that it is not exercised whimsically, arbitrarily, for self-aggrandisement and against the basic interests of the people. This is the key reason why we have a Constitution, which is not just any odd assortment of law and institutions but a framework of ground rules that acts as a bulwark against the tyrannical use of state power to dominate and oppress others.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In short, constitutions strive for a delicate balance to ensure that the collective power of society invested in the state is neither dissipated or fragmented to become ineffective (for this results in lawlessness and anarchy detrimental to the realisation of the good life), nor so tightly organised and untrammelled that it takes away our freedoms, becomes oppressive. The potential to abuse public power is inherent in the very exercise of it, an ever present possibility in all states. Thus, the earliest constitutions of the world developed to check the tyranny of our rulers.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
This idea of the Constitution presupposes an unbridgeable distance between people and the state; a powerless people who need the help of constitutional law to control state power. But what if people themselves wield state power? What if the power of the state comes from an originary power that resides in the demos, the people? State power might be limited not by some higher law but by the power of the people. Democracy, it might be argued, can function as an alternative to constitutions. When then have a Constitution?&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
This is an attractive but flawed idea. It is flawed because in practice, democratic power never really resides in all the people but largely, at the very least, in a temporarily constituted majority. Sometimes these majorities can even become permanent. Here, the tyranny of a ruler is replaced by the tyranny of the majority group. If so, we need constitutions to check the tyranny of a majoritarian, democratic state. This entails that very important issues pertaining to minority groups be freed from the contingencies of majority will, taken out of the decision-making arena of electoral democracies and made more or less non-negotiable. This is the point behind rights &amp;mdash; rights of individuals and minorities must not be trumped by majority preferences. This is the second reason why we need constitutions, or constitutional democracies.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;em&gt;Prevent self-harm&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
But constitutions are required for a third reason: to protect everyone against human vulnerability in general. It is important not to forget that human beings are fallible, that they sometimes forget what is really good for them; they yield to temptations that bring them pleasure now but pain later. It is not unknown for people to act in the heat of the moment (out of anger, fear or intense hatred) only to rue the consequences of the decision later. Electing a person with strong authoritarian traits, for example. By providing a framework of law culled over years from collective experience and wisdom, constitutions prevent people from succumbing to currently fashionable whims and fancies, anticipating and redressing the excessively mercurial character of everyday politics. The guardians of India&amp;rsquo;s Constitution have ensured that destabilising swings of legislative moods generated by ephemeral passion or myopia do not alter its basic structure.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/why-we-need-a-constitution/article24361253.ece&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;&#039;,
	&#039;credit_writer&#039; =&gt; &#039;The Hindu, 8 July, 2018, https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/why-we-need-a-constitution/article24361253.ece&#039;,
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-The Hindu

Constitutions are needed not only to limit wielders of existing power but to empower those traditionally deprived of it

The recent judgment by the Supreme Court clarifying the respective jurisdictions of Delhi&amp;rsquo;s Lieutenant Governor and its elected representatives and specifying...&#039;
$disp = &#039;&lt;div align=&quot;justify&quot;&gt;-The Hindu&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;Constitutions are needed not only to limit wielders of existing power but to empower those traditionally deprived of it&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The recent judgment by the Supreme Court clarifying the respective jurisdictions of Delhi&amp;rsquo;s Lieutenant Governor and its elected representatives and specifying the limits of their powers once again underlies how fortunate we are to have the Constitution. Why should gratitude be expressed for living under a constitutional democracy? Why do we need a Constitution?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Since an individual&amp;rsquo;s own personal power is severely limited, nothing valuable can be attained without the collective effort of individuals. A boulder cannot move a centimetre if one individual pushes it, but when pushed by dozens it goes places. Most human goods &amp;mdash; health, education, infrastructure, peace and harmony, economic growth, leisure and enjoyment, art and literature, narratives of self-understanding and collective heritage &amp;mdash; are realised by assembling power. However, once constituted, this indispensable collective power to do or achieve things can be used not to realise the collective good but for one&amp;rsquo;s own exclusive advantage, to secure things only for oneself. This can be done by forcing others to do what they would not otherwise do, to get them to act against their will, for one&amp;rsquo;s own benefit.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;Checking tyranny&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;It is a feature, particularly of modern societies, that this public or collective power is largely vested in the state relatively separate from society. It follows that state power meant for everyone&amp;rsquo;s good can be used by some over other members of society, to benefit just a few of its functionaries and their friends. Since the formation of states, therefore, humans have felt the need to not only garner collective power but also limit it, so that it is not exercised whimsically, arbitrarily, for self-aggrandisement and against the basic interests of the people. This is the key reason why we have a Constitution, which is not just any odd assortment of law and institutions but a framework of ground rules that acts as a bulwark against the tyrannical use of state power to dominate and oppress others.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In short, constitutions strive for a delicate balance to ensure that the collective power of society invested in the state is neither dissipated or fragmented to become ineffective (for this results in lawlessness and anarchy detrimental to the realisation of the good life), nor so tightly organised and untrammelled that it takes away our freedoms, becomes oppressive. The potential to abuse public power is inherent in the very exercise of it, an ever present possibility in all states. Thus, the earliest constitutions of the world developed to check the tyranny of our rulers.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This idea of the Constitution presupposes an unbridgeable distance between people and the state; a powerless people who need the help of constitutional law to control state power. But what if people themselves wield state power? What if the power of the state comes from an originary power that resides in the demos, the people? State power might be limited not by some higher law but by the power of the people. Democracy, it might be argued, can function as an alternative to constitutions. When then have a Constitution?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This is an attractive but flawed idea. It is flawed because in practice, democratic power never really resides in all the people but largely, at the very least, in a temporarily constituted majority. Sometimes these majorities can even become permanent. Here, the tyranny of a ruler is replaced by the tyranny of the majority group. If so, we need constitutions to check the tyranny of a majoritarian, democratic state. This entails that very important issues pertaining to minority groups be freed from the contingencies of majority will, taken out of the decision-making arena of electoral democracies and made more or less non-negotiable. This is the point behind rights &amp;mdash; rights of individuals and minorities must not be trumped by majority preferences. This is the second reason why we need constitutions, or constitutional democracies.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;Prevent self-harm&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;But constitutions are required for a third reason: to protect everyone against human vulnerability in general. It is important not to forget that human beings are fallible, that they sometimes forget what is really good for them; they yield to temptations that bring them pleasure now but pain later. It is not unknown for people to act in the heat of the moment (out of anger, fear or intense hatred) only to rue the consequences of the decision later. Electing a person with strong authoritarian traits, for example. By providing a framework of law culled over years from collective experience and wisdom, constitutions prevent people from succumbing to currently fashionable whims and fancies, anticipating and redressing the excessively mercurial character of everyday politics. The guardians of India&amp;rsquo;s Constitution have ensured that destabilising swings of legislative moods generated by ephemeral passion or myopia do not alter its basic structure.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Please &lt;a href=&quot;https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/why-we-need-a-constitution/article24361253.ece&quot; title=&quot;https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/why-we-need-a-constitution/article24361253.ece&quot;&gt;click here&lt;/a&gt; to read more. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;&#039;
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-The Hindu

Constitutions are needed not only to limit wielders of existing power but to empower those traditionally deprived of it

The recent judgment by the Supreme Court clarifying the respective jurisdictions of Delhi&rsquo;s Lieutenant Governor and its elected representatives and specifying..."/>
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                <strong>Why we need a Constitution -Rajeev Bhargava</strong></h1>
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                <div align="justify">-The Hindu<br /><br /><em>Constitutions are needed not only to limit wielders of existing power but to empower those traditionally deprived of it<br /></em><br />The recent judgment by the Supreme Court clarifying the respective jurisdictions of Delhi&rsquo;s Lieutenant Governor and its elected representatives and specifying the limits of their powers once again underlies how fortunate we are to have the Constitution. Why should gratitude be expressed for living under a constitutional democracy? Why do we need a Constitution?<br /><br />Since an individual&rsquo;s own personal power is severely limited, nothing valuable can be attained without the collective effort of individuals. A boulder cannot move a centimetre if one individual pushes it, but when pushed by dozens it goes places. Most human goods &mdash; health, education, infrastructure, peace and harmony, economic growth, leisure and enjoyment, art and literature, narratives of self-understanding and collective heritage &mdash; are realised by assembling power. However, once constituted, this indispensable collective power to do or achieve things can be used not to realise the collective good but for one&rsquo;s own exclusive advantage, to secure things only for oneself. This can be done by forcing others to do what they would not otherwise do, to get them to act against their will, for one&rsquo;s own benefit.<br /><br /><em>Checking tyranny<br /></em><br />It is a feature, particularly of modern societies, that this public or collective power is largely vested in the state relatively separate from society. It follows that state power meant for everyone&rsquo;s good can be used by some over other members of society, to benefit just a few of its functionaries and their friends. Since the formation of states, therefore, humans have felt the need to not only garner collective power but also limit it, so that it is not exercised whimsically, arbitrarily, for self-aggrandisement and against the basic interests of the people. This is the key reason why we have a Constitution, which is not just any odd assortment of law and institutions but a framework of ground rules that acts as a bulwark against the tyrannical use of state power to dominate and oppress others.<br /><br />In short, constitutions strive for a delicate balance to ensure that the collective power of society invested in the state is neither dissipated or fragmented to become ineffective (for this results in lawlessness and anarchy detrimental to the realisation of the good life), nor so tightly organised and untrammelled that it takes away our freedoms, becomes oppressive. The potential to abuse public power is inherent in the very exercise of it, an ever present possibility in all states. Thus, the earliest constitutions of the world developed to check the tyranny of our rulers.<br /><br />This idea of the Constitution presupposes an unbridgeable distance between people and the state; a powerless people who need the help of constitutional law to control state power. But what if people themselves wield state power? What if the power of the state comes from an originary power that resides in the demos, the people? State power might be limited not by some higher law but by the power of the people. Democracy, it might be argued, can function as an alternative to constitutions. When then have a Constitution?<br /><br />This is an attractive but flawed idea. It is flawed because in practice, democratic power never really resides in all the people but largely, at the very least, in a temporarily constituted majority. Sometimes these majorities can even become permanent. Here, the tyranny of a ruler is replaced by the tyranny of the majority group. If so, we need constitutions to check the tyranny of a majoritarian, democratic state. This entails that very important issues pertaining to minority groups be freed from the contingencies of majority will, taken out of the decision-making arena of electoral democracies and made more or less non-negotiable. This is the point behind rights &mdash; rights of individuals and minorities must not be trumped by majority preferences. This is the second reason why we need constitutions, or constitutional democracies.<br /><br /><em>Prevent self-harm<br /></em><br />But constitutions are required for a third reason: to protect everyone against human vulnerability in general. It is important not to forget that human beings are fallible, that they sometimes forget what is really good for them; they yield to temptations that bring them pleasure now but pain later. It is not unknown for people to act in the heat of the moment (out of anger, fear or intense hatred) only to rue the consequences of the decision later. Electing a person with strong authoritarian traits, for example. By providing a framework of law culled over years from collective experience and wisdom, constitutions prevent people from succumbing to currently fashionable whims and fancies, anticipating and redressing the excessively mercurial character of everyday politics. The guardians of India&rsquo;s Constitution have ensured that destabilising swings of legislative moods generated by ephemeral passion or myopia do not alter its basic structure.<br /><br />Please <a href="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/why-we-need-a-constitution/article24361253.ece" title="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/why-we-need-a-constitution/article24361253.ece">click here</a> to read more. <br /></div>               </font>
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-The Hindu<br />
<br />
<em>Constitutions are needed not only to limit wielders of existing power but to empower those traditionally deprived of it<br />
</em><br />
The recent judgment by the Supreme Court clarifying the respective jurisdictions of Delhi&rsquo;s Lieutenant Governor and its elected representatives and specifying the limits of their powers once again underlies how fortunate we are to have the Constitution. Why should gratitude be expressed for living under a constitutional democracy? Why do we need a Constitution?<br />
<br />
Since an individual&rsquo;s own personal power is severely limited, nothing valuable can be attained without the collective effort of individuals. A boulder cannot move a centimetre if one individual pushes it, but when pushed by dozens it goes places. Most human goods &mdash; health, education, infrastructure, peace and harmony, economic growth, leisure and enjoyment, art and literature, narratives of self-understanding and collective heritage &mdash; are realised by assembling power. However, once constituted, this indispensable collective power to do or achieve things can be used not to realise the collective good but for one&rsquo;s own exclusive advantage, to secure things only for oneself. This can be done by forcing others to do what they would not otherwise do, to get them to act against their will, for one&rsquo;s own benefit.<br />
<br />
<em>Checking tyranny<br />
</em><br />
It is a feature, particularly of modern societies, that this public or collective power is largely vested in the state relatively separate from society. It follows that state power meant for everyone&rsquo;s good can be used by some over other members of society, to benefit just a few of its functionaries and their friends. Since the formation of states, therefore, humans have felt the need to not only garner collective power but also limit it, so that it is not exercised whimsically, arbitrarily, for self-aggrandisement and against the basic interests of the people. This is the key reason why we have a Constitution, which is not just any odd assortment of law and institutions but a framework of ground rules that acts as a bulwark against the tyrannical use of state power to dominate and oppress others.<br />
<br />
In short, constitutions strive for a delicate balance to ensure that the collective power of society invested in the state is neither dissipated or fragmented to become ineffective (for this results in lawlessness and anarchy detrimental to the realisation of the good life), nor so tightly organised and untrammelled that it takes away our freedoms, becomes oppressive. The potential to abuse public power is inherent in the very exercise of it, an ever present possibility in all states. Thus, the earliest constitutions of the world developed to check the tyranny of our rulers.<br />
<br />
This idea of the Constitution presupposes an unbridgeable distance between people and the state; a powerless people who need the help of constitutional law to control state power. But what if people themselves wield state power? What if the power of the state comes from an originary power that resides in the demos, the people? State power might be limited not by some higher law but by the power of the people. Democracy, it might be argued, can function as an alternative to constitutions. When then have a Constitution?<br />
<br />
This is an attractive but flawed idea. It is flawed because in practice, democratic power never really resides in all the people but largely, at the very least, in a temporarily constituted majority. Sometimes these majorities can even become permanent. Here, the tyranny of a ruler is replaced by the tyranny of the majority group. If so, we need constitutions to check the tyranny of a majoritarian, democratic state. This entails that very important issues pertaining to minority groups be freed from the contingencies of majority will, taken out of the decision-making arena of electoral democracies and made more or less non-negotiable. This is the point behind rights &mdash; rights of individuals and minorities must not be trumped by majority preferences. This is the second reason why we need constitutions, or constitutional democracies.<br />
<br />
<em>Prevent self-harm<br />
</em><br />
But constitutions are required for a third reason: to protect everyone against human vulnerability in general. It is important not to forget that human beings are fallible, that they sometimes forget what is really good for them; they yield to temptations that bring them pleasure now but pain later. It is not unknown for people to act in the heat of the moment (out of anger, fear or intense hatred) only to rue the consequences of the decision later. Electing a person with strong authoritarian traits, for example. By providing a framework of law culled over years from collective experience and wisdom, constitutions prevent people from succumbing to currently fashionable whims and fancies, anticipating and redressing the excessively mercurial character of everyday politics. The guardians of India&rsquo;s Constitution have ensured that destabilising swings of legislative moods generated by ephemeral passion or myopia do not alter its basic structure.<br />
<br />
Please <a href="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/why-we-need-a-constitution/article24361253.ece">click here</a> to read more. <br />
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-The Hindu

Constitutions are needed not only to limit wielders of existing power but to empower those traditionally deprived of it

The recent judgment by the Supreme Court clarifying the respective jurisdictions of Delhi&rsquo;s Lieutenant Governor and its elected representatives and specifying...',
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Most human goods &mdash; health, education, infrastructure, peace and harmony, economic growth, leisure and enjoyment, art and literature, narratives of self-understanding and collective heritage &mdash; are realised by assembling power. However, once constituted, this indispensable collective power to do or achieve things can be used not to realise the collective good but for one&rsquo;s own exclusive advantage, to secure things only for oneself. This can be done by forcing others to do what they would not otherwise do, to get them to act against their will, for one&rsquo;s own benefit.<br /><br /><em>Checking tyranny<br /></em><br />It is a feature, particularly of modern societies, that this public or collective power is largely vested in the state relatively separate from society. It follows that state power meant for everyone&rsquo;s good can be used by some over other members of society, to benefit just a few of its functionaries and their friends. Since the formation of states, therefore, humans have felt the need to not only garner collective power but also limit it, so that it is not exercised whimsically, arbitrarily, for self-aggrandisement and against the basic interests of the people. This is the key reason why we have a Constitution, which is not just any odd assortment of law and institutions but a framework of ground rules that acts as a bulwark against the tyrannical use of state power to dominate and oppress others.<br /><br />In short, constitutions strive for a delicate balance to ensure that the collective power of society invested in the state is neither dissipated or fragmented to become ineffective (for this results in lawlessness and anarchy detrimental to the realisation of the good life), nor so tightly organised and untrammelled that it takes away our freedoms, becomes oppressive. The potential to abuse public power is inherent in the very exercise of it, an ever present possibility in all states. Thus, the earliest constitutions of the world developed to check the tyranny of our rulers.<br /><br />This idea of the Constitution presupposes an unbridgeable distance between people and the state; a powerless people who need the help of constitutional law to control state power. But what if people themselves wield state power? What if the power of the state comes from an originary power that resides in the demos, the people? State power might be limited not by some higher law but by the power of the people. Democracy, it might be argued, can function as an alternative to constitutions. When then have a Constitution?<br /><br />This is an attractive but flawed idea. It is flawed because in practice, democratic power never really resides in all the people but largely, at the very least, in a temporarily constituted majority. Sometimes these majorities can even become permanent. Here, the tyranny of a ruler is replaced by the tyranny of the majority group. If so, we need constitutions to check the tyranny of a majoritarian, democratic state. This entails that very important issues pertaining to minority groups be freed from the contingencies of majority will, taken out of the decision-making arena of electoral democracies and made more or less non-negotiable. This is the point behind rights &mdash; rights of individuals and minorities must not be trumped by majority preferences. This is the second reason why we need constitutions, or constitutional democracies.<br /><br /><em>Prevent self-harm<br /></em><br />But constitutions are required for a third reason: to protect everyone against human vulnerability in general. It is important not to forget that human beings are fallible, that they sometimes forget what is really good for them; they yield to temptations that bring them pleasure now but pain later. It is not unknown for people to act in the heat of the moment (out of anger, fear or intense hatred) only to rue the consequences of the decision later. Electing a person with strong authoritarian traits, for example. By providing a framework of law culled over years from collective experience and wisdom, constitutions prevent people from succumbing to currently fashionable whims and fancies, anticipating and redressing the excessively mercurial character of everyday politics. The guardians of India&rsquo;s Constitution have ensured that destabilising swings of legislative moods generated by ephemeral passion or myopia do not alter its basic structure.<br /><br />Please <a href="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/why-we-need-a-constitution/article24361253.ece" title="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/why-we-need-a-constitution/article24361253.ece">click here</a> to read more. <br /></div>',
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	'title' => 'Why we need a Constitution -Rajeev Bhargava',
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-The Hindu<br />
<br />
<em>Constitutions are needed not only to limit wielders of existing power but to empower those traditionally deprived of it<br />
</em><br />
The recent judgment by the Supreme Court clarifying the respective jurisdictions of Delhi&rsquo;s Lieutenant Governor and its elected representatives and specifying the limits of their powers once again underlies how fortunate we are to have the Constitution. Why should gratitude be expressed for living under a constitutional democracy? Why do we need a Constitution?<br />
<br />
Since an individual&rsquo;s own personal power is severely limited, nothing valuable can be attained without the collective effort of individuals. A boulder cannot move a centimetre if one individual pushes it, but when pushed by dozens it goes places. Most human goods &mdash; health, education, infrastructure, peace and harmony, economic growth, leisure and enjoyment, art and literature, narratives of self-understanding and collective heritage &mdash; are realised by assembling power. However, once constituted, this indispensable collective power to do or achieve things can be used not to realise the collective good but for one&rsquo;s own exclusive advantage, to secure things only for oneself. This can be done by forcing others to do what they would not otherwise do, to get them to act against their will, for one&rsquo;s own benefit.<br />
<br />
<em>Checking tyranny<br />
</em><br />
It is a feature, particularly of modern societies, that this public or collective power is largely vested in the state relatively separate from society. It follows that state power meant for everyone&rsquo;s good can be used by some over other members of society, to benefit just a few of its functionaries and their friends. Since the formation of states, therefore, humans have felt the need to not only garner collective power but also limit it, so that it is not exercised whimsically, arbitrarily, for self-aggrandisement and against the basic interests of the people. This is the key reason why we have a Constitution, which is not just any odd assortment of law and institutions but a framework of ground rules that acts as a bulwark against the tyrannical use of state power to dominate and oppress others.<br />
<br />
In short, constitutions strive for a delicate balance to ensure that the collective power of society invested in the state is neither dissipated or fragmented to become ineffective (for this results in lawlessness and anarchy detrimental to the realisation of the good life), nor so tightly organised and untrammelled that it takes away our freedoms, becomes oppressive. The potential to abuse public power is inherent in the very exercise of it, an ever present possibility in all states. Thus, the earliest constitutions of the world developed to check the tyranny of our rulers.<br />
<br />
This idea of the Constitution presupposes an unbridgeable distance between people and the state; a powerless people who need the help of constitutional law to control state power. But what if people themselves wield state power? What if the power of the state comes from an originary power that resides in the demos, the people? State power might be limited not by some higher law but by the power of the people. Democracy, it might be argued, can function as an alternative to constitutions. When then have a Constitution?<br />
<br />
This is an attractive but flawed idea. It is flawed because in practice, democratic power never really resides in all the people but largely, at the very least, in a temporarily constituted majority. Sometimes these majorities can even become permanent. Here, the tyranny of a ruler is replaced by the tyranny of the majority group. If so, we need constitutions to check the tyranny of a majoritarian, democratic state. This entails that very important issues pertaining to minority groups be freed from the contingencies of majority will, taken out of the decision-making arena of electoral democracies and made more or less non-negotiable. This is the point behind rights &mdash; rights of individuals and minorities must not be trumped by majority preferences. This is the second reason why we need constitutions, or constitutional democracies.<br />
<br />
<em>Prevent self-harm<br />
</em><br />
But constitutions are required for a third reason: to protect everyone against human vulnerability in general. It is important not to forget that human beings are fallible, that they sometimes forget what is really good for them; they yield to temptations that bring them pleasure now but pain later. It is not unknown for people to act in the heat of the moment (out of anger, fear or intense hatred) only to rue the consequences of the decision later. Electing a person with strong authoritarian traits, for example. By providing a framework of law culled over years from collective experience and wisdom, constitutions prevent people from succumbing to currently fashionable whims and fancies, anticipating and redressing the excessively mercurial character of everyday politics. The guardians of India&rsquo;s Constitution have ensured that destabilising swings of legislative moods generated by ephemeral passion or myopia do not alter its basic structure.<br />
<br />
Please <a href="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/why-we-need-a-constitution/article24361253.ece">click here</a> to read more. <br />
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-The Hindu

Constitutions are needed not only to limit wielders of existing power but to empower those traditionally deprived of it

The recent judgment by the Supreme Court clarifying the respective jurisdictions of Delhi&rsquo;s Lieutenant Governor and its elected representatives and specifying...'
$disp = '<div align="justify">-The Hindu<br /><br /><em>Constitutions are needed not only to limit wielders of existing power but to empower those traditionally deprived of it<br /></em><br />The recent judgment by the Supreme Court clarifying the respective jurisdictions of Delhi&rsquo;s Lieutenant Governor and its elected representatives and specifying the limits of their powers once again underlies how fortunate we are to have the Constitution. Why should gratitude be expressed for living under a constitutional democracy? Why do we need a Constitution?<br /><br />Since an individual&rsquo;s own personal power is severely limited, nothing valuable can be attained without the collective effort of individuals. A boulder cannot move a centimetre if one individual pushes it, but when pushed by dozens it goes places. Most human goods &mdash; health, education, infrastructure, peace and harmony, economic growth, leisure and enjoyment, art and literature, narratives of self-understanding and collective heritage &mdash; are realised by assembling power. However, once constituted, this indispensable collective power to do or achieve things can be used not to realise the collective good but for one&rsquo;s own exclusive advantage, to secure things only for oneself. This can be done by forcing others to do what they would not otherwise do, to get them to act against their will, for one&rsquo;s own benefit.<br /><br /><em>Checking tyranny<br /></em><br />It is a feature, particularly of modern societies, that this public or collective power is largely vested in the state relatively separate from society. It follows that state power meant for everyone&rsquo;s good can be used by some over other members of society, to benefit just a few of its functionaries and their friends. Since the formation of states, therefore, humans have felt the need to not only garner collective power but also limit it, so that it is not exercised whimsically, arbitrarily, for self-aggrandisement and against the basic interests of the people. This is the key reason why we have a Constitution, which is not just any odd assortment of law and institutions but a framework of ground rules that acts as a bulwark against the tyrannical use of state power to dominate and oppress others.<br /><br />In short, constitutions strive for a delicate balance to ensure that the collective power of society invested in the state is neither dissipated or fragmented to become ineffective (for this results in lawlessness and anarchy detrimental to the realisation of the good life), nor so tightly organised and untrammelled that it takes away our freedoms, becomes oppressive. The potential to abuse public power is inherent in the very exercise of it, an ever present possibility in all states. Thus, the earliest constitutions of the world developed to check the tyranny of our rulers.<br /><br />This idea of the Constitution presupposes an unbridgeable distance between people and the state; a powerless people who need the help of constitutional law to control state power. But what if people themselves wield state power? What if the power of the state comes from an originary power that resides in the demos, the people? State power might be limited not by some higher law but by the power of the people. Democracy, it might be argued, can function as an alternative to constitutions. When then have a Constitution?<br /><br />This is an attractive but flawed idea. It is flawed because in practice, democratic power never really resides in all the people but largely, at the very least, in a temporarily constituted majority. Sometimes these majorities can even become permanent. Here, the tyranny of a ruler is replaced by the tyranny of the majority group. If so, we need constitutions to check the tyranny of a majoritarian, democratic state. This entails that very important issues pertaining to minority groups be freed from the contingencies of majority will, taken out of the decision-making arena of electoral democracies and made more or less non-negotiable. This is the point behind rights &mdash; rights of individuals and minorities must not be trumped by majority preferences. This is the second reason why we need constitutions, or constitutional democracies.<br /><br /><em>Prevent self-harm<br /></em><br />But constitutions are required for a third reason: to protect everyone against human vulnerability in general. It is important not to forget that human beings are fallible, that they sometimes forget what is really good for them; they yield to temptations that bring them pleasure now but pain later. It is not unknown for people to act in the heat of the moment (out of anger, fear or intense hatred) only to rue the consequences of the decision later. Electing a person with strong authoritarian traits, for example. By providing a framework of law culled over years from collective experience and wisdom, constitutions prevent people from succumbing to currently fashionable whims and fancies, anticipating and redressing the excessively mercurial character of everyday politics. The guardians of India&rsquo;s Constitution have ensured that destabilising swings of legislative moods generated by ephemeral passion or myopia do not alter its basic structure.<br /><br />Please <a href="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/why-we-need-a-constitution/article24361253.ece" title="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/why-we-need-a-constitution/article24361253.ece">click here</a> to read more. <br /></div>'
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Why we need a Constitution -Rajeev Bhargava

-The Hindu Constitutions are needed not only to limit wielders of existing power but to empower those traditionally deprived of it The recent judgment by the Supreme Court clarifying the respective jurisdictions of Delhi’s Lieutenant Governor and its elected representatives and specifying the limits of their powers once again underlies how fortunate we are to have the Constitution. Why should gratitude be expressed for living under a constitutional democracy? Why do we need a Constitution? Since an individual’s own personal power is severely limited, nothing valuable can be attained without the collective effort of individuals. A boulder cannot move a centimetre if one individual pushes it, but when pushed by dozens it goes places. Most human goods — health, education, infrastructure, peace and harmony, economic growth, leisure and enjoyment, art and literature, narratives of self-understanding and collective heritage — are realised by assembling power. However, once constituted, this indispensable collective power to do or achieve things can be used not to realise the collective good but for one’s own exclusive advantage, to secure things only for oneself. This can be done by forcing others to do what they would not otherwise do, to get them to act against their will, for one’s own benefit. Checking tyranny It is a feature, particularly of modern societies, that this public or collective power is largely vested in the state relatively separate from society. It follows that state power meant for everyone’s good can be used by some over other members of society, to benefit just a few of its functionaries and their friends. Since the formation of states, therefore, humans have felt the need to not only garner collective power but also limit it, so that it is not exercised whimsically, arbitrarily, for self-aggrandisement and against the basic interests of the people. This is the key reason why we have a Constitution, which is not just any odd assortment of law and institutions but a framework of ground rules that acts as a bulwark against the tyrannical use of state power to dominate and oppress others. In short, constitutions strive for a delicate balance to ensure that the collective power of society invested in the state is neither dissipated or fragmented to become ineffective (for this results in lawlessness and anarchy detrimental to the realisation of the good life), nor so tightly organised and untrammelled that it takes away our freedoms, becomes oppressive. The potential to abuse public power is inherent in the very exercise of it, an ever present possibility in all states. Thus, the earliest constitutions of the world developed to check the tyranny of our rulers. This idea of the Constitution presupposes an unbridgeable distance between people and the state; a powerless people who need the help of constitutional law to control state power. But what if people themselves wield state power? What if the power of the state comes from an originary power that resides in the demos, the people? State power might be limited not by some higher law but by the power of the people. Democracy, it might be argued, can function as an alternative to constitutions. When then have a Constitution? This is an attractive but flawed idea. It is flawed because in practice, democratic power never really resides in all the people but largely, at the very least, in a temporarily constituted majority. Sometimes these majorities can even become permanent. Here, the tyranny of a ruler is replaced by the tyranny of the majority group. If so, we need constitutions to check the tyranny of a majoritarian, democratic state. This entails that very important issues pertaining to minority groups be freed from the contingencies of majority will, taken out of the decision-making arena of electoral democracies and made more or less non-negotiable. This is the point behind rights — rights of individuals and minorities must not be trumped by majority preferences. This is the second reason why we need constitutions, or constitutional democracies. Prevent self-harm But constitutions are required for a third reason: to protect everyone against human vulnerability in general. It is important not to forget that human beings are fallible, that they sometimes forget what is really good for them; they yield to temptations that bring them pleasure now but pain later. It is not unknown for people to act in the heat of the moment (out of anger, fear or intense hatred) only to rue the consequences of the decision later. Electing a person with strong authoritarian traits, for example. By providing a framework of law culled over years from collective experience and wisdom, constitutions prevent people from succumbing to currently fashionable whims and fancies, anticipating and redressing the excessively mercurial character of everyday politics. The guardians of India’s Constitution have ensured that destabilising swings of legislative moods generated by ephemeral passion or myopia do not alter its basic structure. Please click here to read more.