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LATEST NEWS UPDATES | A Dictator for India's Bourgeoisie by Manu Joseph

A Dictator for India's Bourgeoisie by Manu Joseph

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published Published on Aug 9, 2011   modified Modified on Aug 9, 2011

 


There are times when fathers and sons say the same things.

In 2008, days after terrorists from Pakistan massacred scores of people in Mumbai, a group of affluent young couples met for dinner.

They work in large corporations, hold university degrees from the United States and England, subscribe to The Economist and even read it. But it was inevitable that when the men started talking about how the Indian government was too incompetent to protect its citizens from terrorists, they would conclude that the only solution for many of India’s problems was a “benign dictator.” Their fathers have been saying that all their lives.

Most urban Indians have said this at least once in their lifetime.

They say this not out of a distaste for democracy, which looks so classy and fabulous in the first world as viewed from here, but out of a passionate loathing for India’s corrupt, criminal and, in some cases, imbecilic politicians. For decades, many educated Indians have resented the fact that they are governed by low-grade people voted into office by drivers and maids and illiterate farmers. Thus, the benign dictator.

This dictator would be modern, English-speaking, selfless and generally a nice person who would not be inconvenienced by elections. The absurdity of such an aspiration is not lost on Indians themselves. The prayer for a benign dictator is more lament than actual political wish. Even so, Indians have knowingly and unknowingly kept the search alive.

And as happens sometimes, a search for one thing leads to something else. The Indian quest for a benign dictator has led to a man who is so new a phenomenon that it is hard to give him a name. But, if the fundamental wish of India’s middle class is to find a force that would take on a deeply flawed democracy, then he is the one.

In April, Anna Hazare, a septuagenarian social activist who was once an army driver, left his village in Maharashtra State, came to Delhi and announced a fast-unto-death to demand that the government create an autonomous anti-corruption institution that would have the powers to investigate and prosecute anybody.

At the time, the government was embroiled in political scandals and public ire against politicians was particularly high.

When the news media began to transmit images of this austere old man sitting on a stage, wearing the formal whites of rural Maharashtra and threatening to die of starvation, the Indian middle class erupted in support. The anti-corruption movement suddenly became a joyous carnival.

The government yielded and agreed to form a committee of ministers and members of the anti-corruption movement chosen by Mr. Hazare. Mr. Hazare drank a liquid refreshment given to him by a little girl and ended his fast. But the committee could not agree on the legislation that would give birth to the anti-corruption body. Mr. Hazare wants the prime minister and the judiciary to be included in its ambit. The government does not want the body to be that far-reaching and has accused civic leaders of using the news media to twist the arm of a government elected by the people (precisely why the urban middle class loves Mr. Hazare).

Mr. Hazare has threatened to go on another fast-unto-death next month if his demands are not met. So pumped is he these days that he has started referring to himself in the third person: “Anna will face the bullets. Anna is not afraid of the government.” In India, usually only aging film stars refer to themselves in the third person.

If the government is unable to deter Mr. Hazare from his death fast, one of the greatest battles of modern India will begin on Aug. 16 — the government elected largely by the poor versus the icon of the middle class on whom advertisers spend millions in the breaks between news reports.

Prashant Bhushan, a tireless civil liberties lawyer at the core of the anti-corruption movement, and a close confidant of Mr. Hazare — and one of the few Indians in recent times to address the public in just shirt and trousers — told me: “India is a top-down nation. Corruption comes from the very top and seeps into every aspect of the society.”

It is a view that has endeared itself to the middle class — that politicians are the fountainhead of corruption and not merely products of a corrupt society that rates practicality over values.

The rise of the anti-corruption movement in India is also the rise of the nonpolitical leftists. That is, those who are not formally aligned with any political party but have overt socialist tendencies.

Mr. Bhushan, for instance, does not hide his contempt for capitalism and consumerism. He told me in an earlier interview that while nobody could deny that there was corruption in India before the economy was liberalized, the speed of privatization had “increased the demand for corruption.” He would like to stall many of the economic changes that India has pursued in the last 20 years.

The anti-corruption campaigners find support in the middle class right now because they are credited with “good intentions.” But India is the proof that there is nothing more dangerous than the good intentions of leftists. In fact, that is how they first destroyed the nation — through nearly five decades of good intentions, which included central planning, a closed economy and protection of Indian companies from foreign competition.

In time, as Mr. Hazare and friends escalate their war and begin to challenge India’s economic policies, it is possible that a day will come when a band of middle-class boys will sit together and say with anger and sorrow, “There are no prospects in this country.”

Which is exactly what their fathers used to say.

Manu Joseph is editor of the Indian newsweekly Open and author of the novel “Serious Men.” 


The New York Times, 27 July, 2011, http://www.nytimes.com/2011/07/28/world/asia/28iht-letter28.html?scp=13&sq=india&st=cse


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