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LATEST NEWS UPDATES | A Tale of Two Elections-Prasenjit Bose </title>
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-Pragoti
The magnificent victory of the CPI(M)-led Left Front in Tripura - winning 50 out of the 60 seats – and the success of the LF candidate in the Nalhati by-election in West Bengal has been interpreted as a “re-emergence” of..."/>
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The magnificent victory of the CPI(M)-led Left Front in Tripura - winning 50 out of the 60 seats – and the success of the LF candidate in the Nalhati by-election in West Bengal has been interpreted as a “re-emergence” of..." />
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<h1 class="cat-box-title">A Tale of Two Elections-Prasenjit Bose</h1>
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Published on</span><span class="text-date"> Mar 12, 2013</span>
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<div align="justify">-Pragoti<br /><br />The magnificent victory of the CPI(M)-led Left Front in Tripura - winning 50 out of the 60 seats – and the success of the LF candidate in the Nalhati by-election in West Bengal has been interpreted as a “re-emergence” of the Left parties by a senior CPI(M) leader. This does not seem to be a rigorous assessment.<br /><br />While the fifth consecutive win by the LF in Tripura is a matter of celebration for the entire Left, the performance of the LF in the West Bengal by-elections raises very uncomfortable questions. As has been widely reported, the vote share of the LF has fallen quite sharply compared to 2011 in all the three constituencies; by 6.25% in Nalhati and by over 11% in Rejinagar and Englishbajar. The overall votes polled in all the three assembly constituencies taken together was 35000 more than what was polled in 2011. The total votes received by the LF in these constituencies have declined by over 36000. This clearly shows that thousands of voters who had remained with the LF even till 2011, have deserted the Left since then, and have opted for the Trinamul Congress or the Congress.<br /><br />It is true that the by-election results in these three constituencies cannot fully reflect the realities across the state, especially since these were constituencies where the Congress had previously won. However, the sharp vote division between the Congress and the TMC, which facilitated the LF’s win in Nalhati despite a decline in its own votes, is also less likely to recur in other constituencies, majority of which are being held by the TMC today. The continuing decline in the LF’s voteshare in West Bengal – in the backdrop of the reactionary and autocratic rule of the TMC – is therefore disconcerting and is certainly not a cause for celebration. <br /><br />Rather, what the Left needs to reflect upon, are the reasons behind the contrasting fortunes of the CPI(M)-led LF in Tripura and West Bengal. Despite being uninterruptedly in office since 1993, the LF in Tripura has won with an increased majority. Many in the mainstream media have ascribed this victory to the leadership of Comrade Manik Sarkar, marked by extraordinary poise and dependability combined with impeccable personal integrity. That being true, what needs to be noted is that the virtue of personal probity is shared by many other leaders of the CPI(M), including the top two in West Bengal. Why then are the poll outcomes turning out to be so different in Tripura and West Bengal? <br /><br />When asked in an interview before the elections whether there was “extra pressure” because of the debacles in West Bengal and Kerala, the Chief Minister of Tripura responded, “Not at all! We have no Nandigram, no Singur. I don't think I have made any major mistake in the past five years. I am in no hurry to bring industry here and I have not gone for any forcible land acquisition. I have made it clear that before rapid industrialisation we need to develop infrastructure, such as improved road and rail links, and establish more small airports in the state.” Elaborating on his priorities if he retains office he said: “Our next priority is to work towards industrialisation of Tripura to the extent needed and possible. Ours is a backward state and because of its geographical location, it is very important to improve connectivity. Unless that's done, there is no point talking about setting up industrial units here” (Economic Times, February 13, 2013). No Nandigram or Singur. No forcible land acquisition from the peasants. No talk about building SEZs and replicating the “economic miracle” of China. No sermonising the working class on giving up strikes. Even in the face of constraints, one does not need to embrace neoliberalism to devise a strategy for industrialisation. Is Alimuddin Street listening? <br /><br />The differences do not stop here. If one compares a few indicators based on the census data of Tripura and West Bengal, a much clearer picture emerges (see table below). Despite growing urbanisation, Tripura continues to be a far less urbanised state compared to West Bengal or the rest of India. Yet, it has a far better sex ratio and infant mortality rate than the all- India average and its literacy rate at 87% is the third best in the entire country. Moreover, these indicators have shown impressive improvements between 2001 and 2011. For instance, Tripura’s literacy rate improved by over 14% compared to only 8% for West Bengal and 9% for India as a whole. <br /><img src="https://im4change.in/siteadmin/tinymce/uploaded/Tripura.bmp" alt="Tripura" /><br /><br />The indicators reflecting the standard of living are also significant: 68% of all households in Tripura have access to electricity, 33% have access to tapped drinking water, 86% have latrines within their premises, 79% have access to banking services and 45% have TV sets. In contrast less than 55% of households use electricity in West Bengal, 25% of households have access to tapped drinking water, 59% of households have latrine facilities within premises, 49% have access to banking services and 35% have TV sets. It can be clearly seen that the quality of life is better for a much higher proportion of the population in Tripura than in West Bengal. <br /><br />It can be argued that these indicators are better for Tripura because its population is only 36.7 lakh while West Bengal has a population of over 9 crore. A much higher population is indeed a problem in West Bengal’s case; but the fact remains that more households had a better standard of living in Tripura in 2011 than in the West Bengal districts of comparable population sizes, like Bankura, Birbhum or Jalpaiguri. Moreover, it can also be seen from the table that many of these indicators – like proportion of households having access to electricity, tapped drinking water or banking services – have improved at a much faster rate in Tripura between 2001 and 2011 than in West Bengal, although both states were governed by the same political party/coalition. These outcomes reflect, to some extent, the differences in the policy priorities of the two governments. <br /><br />This can be further seen in rural job generation under the MNREGA or recognizing the forest rights of the tribal people, where Tripura has consistently been a frontranking performer among all Indian states, while West Bengal has been and continues to be a laggard. In contrast to the debt-ridden state finances of West Bengal, Tripura has also been able to maintain healthy growth in its own-tax revenues, which has enabled it to increase development expenditure and provide social security like pensions to a significant share of the population. This firm pro-people orientation of the LF government in Tripura has endeared it to the masses, including the tribal people who comprise over 30% of the states’ population. Naturally, extremists have got sidelined and isolated besides leaving absolutely no takers for Rahul Gandhi’s anti-Communist rants on the eve of the elections. <br /><br />The biggest assets of the LF in Tripura are precisely the ones that the LF has frittered away in West Bengal: credibility of the leadership and the confidence of the people, particularly the poor. Rather than indulging in contrived drills of celebration, it is time to engage in serious struggles to regain peoples’ confidence. There is simply no short-cut.</div>
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<br><a href="http://m.pragoti.in/node/4925" class="re" target="_blank">Pragoti, 11 March, 2013, http://m.pragoti.in/node/4925</a><div class="clear"></div>
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<h1 class="cat-box-title">A Tale of Two Elections-Prasenjit Bose</h1>
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Published on</span><span class="text-date"> Mar 12, 2013</span>
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<div align="justify">-Pragoti<br /><br />The magnificent victory of the CPI(M)-led Left Front in Tripura - winning 50 out of the 60 seats – and the success of the LF candidate in the Nalhati by-election in West Bengal has been interpreted as a “re-emergence” of the Left parties by a senior CPI(M) leader. This does not seem to be a rigorous assessment.<br /><br />While the fifth consecutive win by the LF in Tripura is a matter of celebration for the entire Left, the performance of the LF in the West Bengal by-elections raises very uncomfortable questions. As has been widely reported, the vote share of the LF has fallen quite sharply compared to 2011 in all the three constituencies; by 6.25% in Nalhati and by over 11% in Rejinagar and Englishbajar. The overall votes polled in all the three assembly constituencies taken together was 35000 more than what was polled in 2011. The total votes received by the LF in these constituencies have declined by over 36000. This clearly shows that thousands of voters who had remained with the LF even till 2011, have deserted the Left since then, and have opted for the Trinamul Congress or the Congress.<br /><br />It is true that the by-election results in these three constituencies cannot fully reflect the realities across the state, especially since these were constituencies where the Congress had previously won. However, the sharp vote division between the Congress and the TMC, which facilitated the LF’s win in Nalhati despite a decline in its own votes, is also less likely to recur in other constituencies, majority of which are being held by the TMC today. The continuing decline in the LF’s voteshare in West Bengal – in the backdrop of the reactionary and autocratic rule of the TMC – is therefore disconcerting and is certainly not a cause for celebration. <br /><br />Rather, what the Left needs to reflect upon, are the reasons behind the contrasting fortunes of the CPI(M)-led LF in Tripura and West Bengal. Despite being uninterruptedly in office since 1993, the LF in Tripura has won with an increased majority. Many in the mainstream media have ascribed this victory to the leadership of Comrade Manik Sarkar, marked by extraordinary poise and dependability combined with impeccable personal integrity. That being true, what needs to be noted is that the virtue of personal probity is shared by many other leaders of the CPI(M), including the top two in West Bengal. Why then are the poll outcomes turning out to be so different in Tripura and West Bengal? <br /><br />When asked in an interview before the elections whether there was “extra pressure” because of the debacles in West Bengal and Kerala, the Chief Minister of Tripura responded, “Not at all! We have no Nandigram, no Singur. I don't think I have made any major mistake in the past five years. I am in no hurry to bring industry here and I have not gone for any forcible land acquisition. I have made it clear that before rapid industrialisation we need to develop infrastructure, such as improved road and rail links, and establish more small airports in the state.” Elaborating on his priorities if he retains office he said: “Our next priority is to work towards industrialisation of Tripura to the extent needed and possible. Ours is a backward state and because of its geographical location, it is very important to improve connectivity. Unless that's done, there is no point talking about setting up industrial units here” (Economic Times, February 13, 2013). No Nandigram or Singur. No forcible land acquisition from the peasants. No talk about building SEZs and replicating the “economic miracle” of China. No sermonising the working class on giving up strikes. Even in the face of constraints, one does not need to embrace neoliberalism to devise a strategy for industrialisation. Is Alimuddin Street listening? <br /><br />The differences do not stop here. If one compares a few indicators based on the census data of Tripura and West Bengal, a much clearer picture emerges (see table below). Despite growing urbanisation, Tripura continues to be a far less urbanised state compared to West Bengal or the rest of India. Yet, it has a far better sex ratio and infant mortality rate than the all- India average and its literacy rate at 87% is the third best in the entire country. Moreover, these indicators have shown impressive improvements between 2001 and 2011. For instance, Tripura’s literacy rate improved by over 14% compared to only 8% for West Bengal and 9% for India as a whole. <br /><img src="https://im4change.in/siteadmin/tinymce/uploaded/Tripura.bmp" alt="Tripura" /><br /><br />The indicators reflecting the standard of living are also significant: 68% of all households in Tripura have access to electricity, 33% have access to tapped drinking water, 86% have latrines within their premises, 79% have access to banking services and 45% have TV sets. In contrast less than 55% of households use electricity in West Bengal, 25% of households have access to tapped drinking water, 59% of households have latrine facilities within premises, 49% have access to banking services and 35% have TV sets. It can be clearly seen that the quality of life is better for a much higher proportion of the population in Tripura than in West Bengal. <br /><br />It can be argued that these indicators are better for Tripura because its population is only 36.7 lakh while West Bengal has a population of over 9 crore. A much higher population is indeed a problem in West Bengal’s case; but the fact remains that more households had a better standard of living in Tripura in 2011 than in the West Bengal districts of comparable population sizes, like Bankura, Birbhum or Jalpaiguri. Moreover, it can also be seen from the table that many of these indicators – like proportion of households having access to electricity, tapped drinking water or banking services – have improved at a much faster rate in Tripura between 2001 and 2011 than in West Bengal, although both states were governed by the same political party/coalition. These outcomes reflect, to some extent, the differences in the policy priorities of the two governments. <br /><br />This can be further seen in rural job generation under the MNREGA or recognizing the forest rights of the tribal people, where Tripura has consistently been a frontranking performer among all Indian states, while West Bengal has been and continues to be a laggard. In contrast to the debt-ridden state finances of West Bengal, Tripura has also been able to maintain healthy growth in its own-tax revenues, which has enabled it to increase development expenditure and provide social security like pensions to a significant share of the population. This firm pro-people orientation of the LF government in Tripura has endeared it to the masses, including the tribal people who comprise over 30% of the states’ population. Naturally, extremists have got sidelined and isolated besides leaving absolutely no takers for Rahul Gandhi’s anti-Communist rants on the eve of the elections. <br /><br />The biggest assets of the LF in Tripura are precisely the ones that the LF has frittered away in West Bengal: credibility of the leadership and the confidence of the people, particularly the poor. Rather than indulging in contrived drills of celebration, it is time to engage in serious struggles to regain peoples’ confidence. There is simply no short-cut.</div>
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<br><a href="http://m.pragoti.in/node/4925" class="re" target="_blank">Pragoti, 11 March, 2013, http://m.pragoti.in/node/4925</a><div class="clear"></div>
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The magnificent victory of the CPI(M)-led Left Front in Tripura - winning 50 out of the 60 seats – and the success of the LF candidate in the Nalhati by-election in West Bengal has been interpreted as a “re-emergence” of..."/>
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<h1 class="cat-box-title">A Tale of Two Elections-Prasenjit Bose</h1>
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Published on</span><span class="text-date"> Mar 12, 2013</span>
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<div align="justify">-Pragoti<br /><br />The magnificent victory of the CPI(M)-led Left Front in Tripura - winning 50 out of the 60 seats – and the success of the LF candidate in the Nalhati by-election in West Bengal has been interpreted as a “re-emergence” of the Left parties by a senior CPI(M) leader. This does not seem to be a rigorous assessment.<br /><br />While the fifth consecutive win by the LF in Tripura is a matter of celebration for the entire Left, the performance of the LF in the West Bengal by-elections raises very uncomfortable questions. As has been widely reported, the vote share of the LF has fallen quite sharply compared to 2011 in all the three constituencies; by 6.25% in Nalhati and by over 11% in Rejinagar and Englishbajar. The overall votes polled in all the three assembly constituencies taken together was 35000 more than what was polled in 2011. The total votes received by the LF in these constituencies have declined by over 36000. This clearly shows that thousands of voters who had remained with the LF even till 2011, have deserted the Left since then, and have opted for the Trinamul Congress or the Congress.<br /><br />It is true that the by-election results in these three constituencies cannot fully reflect the realities across the state, especially since these were constituencies where the Congress had previously won. However, the sharp vote division between the Congress and the TMC, which facilitated the LF’s win in Nalhati despite a decline in its own votes, is also less likely to recur in other constituencies, majority of which are being held by the TMC today. The continuing decline in the LF’s voteshare in West Bengal – in the backdrop of the reactionary and autocratic rule of the TMC – is therefore disconcerting and is certainly not a cause for celebration. <br /><br />Rather, what the Left needs to reflect upon, are the reasons behind the contrasting fortunes of the CPI(M)-led LF in Tripura and West Bengal. Despite being uninterruptedly in office since 1993, the LF in Tripura has won with an increased majority. Many in the mainstream media have ascribed this victory to the leadership of Comrade Manik Sarkar, marked by extraordinary poise and dependability combined with impeccable personal integrity. That being true, what needs to be noted is that the virtue of personal probity is shared by many other leaders of the CPI(M), including the top two in West Bengal. Why then are the poll outcomes turning out to be so different in Tripura and West Bengal? <br /><br />When asked in an interview before the elections whether there was “extra pressure” because of the debacles in West Bengal and Kerala, the Chief Minister of Tripura responded, “Not at all! We have no Nandigram, no Singur. I don't think I have made any major mistake in the past five years. I am in no hurry to bring industry here and I have not gone for any forcible land acquisition. I have made it clear that before rapid industrialisation we need to develop infrastructure, such as improved road and rail links, and establish more small airports in the state.” Elaborating on his priorities if he retains office he said: “Our next priority is to work towards industrialisation of Tripura to the extent needed and possible. Ours is a backward state and because of its geographical location, it is very important to improve connectivity. Unless that's done, there is no point talking about setting up industrial units here” (Economic Times, February 13, 2013). No Nandigram or Singur. No forcible land acquisition from the peasants. No talk about building SEZs and replicating the “economic miracle” of China. No sermonising the working class on giving up strikes. Even in the face of constraints, one does not need to embrace neoliberalism to devise a strategy for industrialisation. Is Alimuddin Street listening? <br /><br />The differences do not stop here. If one compares a few indicators based on the census data of Tripura and West Bengal, a much clearer picture emerges (see table below). Despite growing urbanisation, Tripura continues to be a far less urbanised state compared to West Bengal or the rest of India. Yet, it has a far better sex ratio and infant mortality rate than the all- India average and its literacy rate at 87% is the third best in the entire country. Moreover, these indicators have shown impressive improvements between 2001 and 2011. For instance, Tripura’s literacy rate improved by over 14% compared to only 8% for West Bengal and 9% for India as a whole. <br /><img src="https://im4change.in/siteadmin/tinymce/uploaded/Tripura.bmp" alt="Tripura" /><br /><br />The indicators reflecting the standard of living are also significant: 68% of all households in Tripura have access to electricity, 33% have access to tapped drinking water, 86% have latrines within their premises, 79% have access to banking services and 45% have TV sets. In contrast less than 55% of households use electricity in West Bengal, 25% of households have access to tapped drinking water, 59% of households have latrine facilities within premises, 49% have access to banking services and 35% have TV sets. It can be clearly seen that the quality of life is better for a much higher proportion of the population in Tripura than in West Bengal. <br /><br />It can be argued that these indicators are better for Tripura because its population is only 36.7 lakh while West Bengal has a population of over 9 crore. A much higher population is indeed a problem in West Bengal’s case; but the fact remains that more households had a better standard of living in Tripura in 2011 than in the West Bengal districts of comparable population sizes, like Bankura, Birbhum or Jalpaiguri. Moreover, it can also be seen from the table that many of these indicators – like proportion of households having access to electricity, tapped drinking water or banking services – have improved at a much faster rate in Tripura between 2001 and 2011 than in West Bengal, although both states were governed by the same political party/coalition. These outcomes reflect, to some extent, the differences in the policy priorities of the two governments. <br /><br />This can be further seen in rural job generation under the MNREGA or recognizing the forest rights of the tribal people, where Tripura has consistently been a frontranking performer among all Indian states, while West Bengal has been and continues to be a laggard. In contrast to the debt-ridden state finances of West Bengal, Tripura has also been able to maintain healthy growth in its own-tax revenues, which has enabled it to increase development expenditure and provide social security like pensions to a significant share of the population. This firm pro-people orientation of the LF government in Tripura has endeared it to the masses, including the tribal people who comprise over 30% of the states’ population. Naturally, extremists have got sidelined and isolated besides leaving absolutely no takers for Rahul Gandhi’s anti-Communist rants on the eve of the elections. <br /><br />The biggest assets of the LF in Tripura are precisely the ones that the LF has frittered away in West Bengal: credibility of the leadership and the confidence of the people, particularly the poor. Rather than indulging in contrived drills of celebration, it is time to engage in serious struggles to regain peoples’ confidence. There is simply no short-cut.</div>
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<br><a href="http://m.pragoti.in/node/4925" class="re" target="_blank">Pragoti, 11 March, 2013, http://m.pragoti.in/node/4925</a><div class="clear"></div>
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LATEST NEWS UPDATES | A Tale of Two Elections-Prasenjit Bose
Published on Mar 12, 2013
Modified on Mar 12, 2013
-Pragoti
The magnificent victory of the CPI(M)-led Left Front in Tripura - winning 50 out of the 60 seats – and the success of the LF candidate in the Nalhati by-election in West Bengal has been interpreted as a “re-emergence” of the Left parties by a senior CPI(M) leader. This does not seem to be a rigorous assessment.
While the fifth consecutive win by the LF in Tripura is a matter of celebration for the entire Left, the performance of the LF in the West Bengal by-elections raises very uncomfortable questions. As has been widely reported, the vote share of the LF has fallen quite sharply compared to 2011 in all the three constituencies; by 6.25% in Nalhati and by over 11% in Rejinagar and Englishbajar. The overall votes polled in all the three assembly constituencies taken together was 35000 more than what was polled in 2011. The total votes received by the LF in these constituencies have declined by over 36000. This clearly shows that thousands of voters who had remained with the LF even till 2011, have deserted the Left since then, and have opted for the Trinamul Congress or the Congress.
It is true that the by-election results in these three constituencies cannot fully reflect the realities across the state, especially since these were constituencies where the Congress had previously won. However, the sharp vote division between the Congress and the TMC, which facilitated the LF’s win in Nalhati despite a decline in its own votes, is also less likely to recur in other constituencies, majority of which are being held by the TMC today. The continuing decline in the LF’s voteshare in West Bengal – in the backdrop of the reactionary and autocratic rule of the TMC – is therefore disconcerting and is certainly not a cause for celebration.
Rather, what the Left needs to reflect upon, are the reasons behind the contrasting fortunes of the CPI(M)-led LF in Tripura and West Bengal. Despite being uninterruptedly in office since 1993, the LF in Tripura has won with an increased majority. Many in the mainstream media have ascribed this victory to the leadership of Comrade Manik Sarkar, marked by extraordinary poise and dependability combined with impeccable personal integrity. That being true, what needs to be noted is that the virtue of personal probity is shared by many other leaders of the CPI(M), including the top two in West Bengal. Why then are the poll outcomes turning out to be so different in Tripura and West Bengal?
When asked in an interview before the elections whether there was “extra pressure” because of the debacles in West Bengal and Kerala, the Chief Minister of Tripura responded, “Not at all! We have no Nandigram, no Singur. I don't think I have made any major mistake in the past five years. I am in no hurry to bring industry here and I have not gone for any forcible land acquisition. I have made it clear that before rapid industrialisation we need to develop infrastructure, such as improved road and rail links, and establish more small airports in the state.” Elaborating on his priorities if he retains office he said: “Our next priority is to work towards industrialisation of Tripura to the extent needed and possible. Ours is a backward state and because of its geographical location, it is very important to improve connectivity. Unless that's done, there is no point talking about setting up industrial units here” (Economic Times, February 13, 2013). No Nandigram or Singur. No forcible land acquisition from the peasants. No talk about building SEZs and replicating the “economic miracle” of China. No sermonising the working class on giving up strikes. Even in the face of constraints, one does not need to embrace neoliberalism to devise a strategy for industrialisation. Is Alimuddin Street listening?
The differences do not stop here. If one compares a few indicators based on the census data of Tripura and West Bengal, a much clearer picture emerges (see table below). Despite growing urbanisation, Tripura continues to be a far less urbanised state compared to West Bengal or the rest of India. Yet, it has a far better sex ratio and infant mortality rate than the all- India average and its literacy rate at 87% is the third best in the entire country. Moreover, these indicators have shown impressive improvements between 2001 and 2011. For instance, Tripura’s literacy rate improved by over 14% compared to only 8% for West Bengal and 9% for India as a whole.
The indicators reflecting the standard of living are also significant: 68% of all households in Tripura have access to electricity, 33% have access to tapped drinking water, 86% have latrines within their premises, 79% have access to banking services and 45% have TV sets. In contrast less than 55% of households use electricity in West Bengal, 25% of households have access to tapped drinking water, 59% of households have latrine facilities within premises, 49% have access to banking services and 35% have TV sets. It can be clearly seen that the quality of life is better for a much higher proportion of the population in Tripura than in West Bengal.
It can be argued that these indicators are better for Tripura because its population is only 36.7 lakh while West Bengal has a population of over 9 crore. A much higher population is indeed a problem in West Bengal’s case; but the fact remains that more households had a better standard of living in Tripura in 2011 than in the West Bengal districts of comparable population sizes, like Bankura, Birbhum or Jalpaiguri. Moreover, it can also be seen from the table that many of these indicators – like proportion of households having access to electricity, tapped drinking water or banking services – have improved at a much faster rate in Tripura between 2001 and 2011 than in West Bengal, although both states were governed by the same political party/coalition. These outcomes reflect, to some extent, the differences in the policy priorities of the two governments.
This can be further seen in rural job generation under the MNREGA or recognizing the forest rights of the tribal people, where Tripura has consistently been a frontranking performer among all Indian states, while West Bengal has been and continues to be a laggard. In contrast to the debt-ridden state finances of West Bengal, Tripura has also been able to maintain healthy growth in its own-tax revenues, which has enabled it to increase development expenditure and provide social security like pensions to a significant share of the population. This firm pro-people orientation of the LF government in Tripura has endeared it to the masses, including the tribal people who comprise over 30% of the states’ population. Naturally, extremists have got sidelined and isolated besides leaving absolutely no takers for Rahul Gandhi’s anti-Communist rants on the eve of the elections.
The biggest assets of the LF in Tripura are precisely the ones that the LF has frittered away in West Bengal: credibility of the leadership and the confidence of the people, particularly the poor. Rather than indulging in contrived drills of celebration, it is time to engage in serious struggles to regain peoples’ confidence. There is simply no short-cut.
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