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LATEST NEWS UPDATES | Citizen's Report on Year Two of the NDA-II Government 2020-2021: Promises and Reality, Civil Society Initiative, Coordinated by Wada Na Todo Abhiyan, released in July, 2021
Citizen's Report on Year Two of the NDA-II Government 2020-2021: Promises and Reality, Civil Society Initiative, Coordinated by Wada Na Todo Abhiyan, released in July, 2021

Citizen's Report on Year Two of the NDA-II Government 2020-2021: Promises and Reality, Civil Society Initiative, Coordinated by Wada Na Todo Abhiyan, released in July, 2021

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published Published on Jul 20, 2021   modified Modified on Jul 25, 2021

-Citizen's Report on Year Two of the NDA-II Government 2020-2021: Promises and Reality, Civil Society Initiative, Coordinated by Wada Na Todo Abhiyan, released in July, 2021 

“Promises & Reality – Citizens’ Report on the Year Two of the NDA II Government, 2020-21” is a collective work by eminent members and organisations of the Indian civil society. The report covers a wide array of concerns and issues in thematic areas including health, education, employment, human rights, freedom of expression, as well as a focus on marginalized and vulnerable communities such as Dalits, Adivasis, women, migrant workers, urban homeless, farmers, religious minorities, to name a few. Each chapter provides an assessment of the government’s initiatives and actions relating to addressing the challenges posed by the pandemic, and includes a set of critical policy asks for each sector/ issue/ community.

This Citizens’ Report on the year two (2020-21) of the government holds a mirror to how people’s lives, particularly that of the marginalized and vulnerable, have been impacted over the past tumultuous year. The pandemic, which spiralled from a health to a socio-economic crisis, has had a multifaceted impact on the economy and society, furthering and creating even more vulnerabilities. In this context, the report becomes particularly important for people, communities and civil society organisations to bring their concerns to the forefront and engage with their elected representatives and administration in order to pursue the objective of inclusive sustainable development for all people everywhere.

Wada Na Todo Abhiyan (WNTA) is a national campaign consisting of 3,500 CSOs, working together to promote governance accountability to end Poverty, Social Exclusion and Discrimination. WNTA provides a multi-stakeholder platform for civil society organisations and networks to jointly review government promises and performance across multiple sectors.

‘Promises & Reality 2020-21’ report is an important document in WNTA’s milestone of activities. As in previous years, this year’s annual review and report monitoring the Union Government’s performance is done in partnership with several civil society organisations and expert contributors. It examines some of the key policies of the government and interventions made during May 2020-April 2021 through the impact these have had on the lives of India’s citizens, and particularly marginalized sections. As a very special exception this year, the report also centers its assessment of governance during the past year on COVID-19 – the spread of the pandemic in the country, the lockdown imposed to contain it and the second, sheer deadly wave.

While the first year of the second term of the BJP-led government was replete with expressions of intent to reduce poverty and take on the global pandemic, the second year has been a tumultuous one – exhibited first by the introduction of the Citizenship Amendment Act and later, by the lockdown to contain the spread of COVID-19. The year has also been tough on human rights defenders and also for civil society organisations working selflessly to ameliorate the suffering of the people. 

COVID-19 only catalysed the process of the economy’s de-acceleration

The pandemic struck in India at a time the process of de-development was under way for a few years. Few, if any, serious policies and rectification measures had been taken, with virtually all growth and development indicators declining rather dramatically. As the chapter on the economy points out, the pre-pandemic economic scenario had already witnessed a fall in ranking in almost all growth and development indicators including India’s ranking on the global hunger index; nourished children; inequality index; gender equality index; environment performance; water and air quality (De-development catalysed).

This scenario after the pandemic has actually worsened in the absence of policy responses that need to take into account demand factors focusing especially on those who have been impacted the most at all levels both economic and extra-economic. The pandemic has created a humanitarian crisis and socio-economic inequalities, severely affecting the disadvantaged section of the population. The most detrimental effects impacted the vast majority of the citizens, with in fact, resulting in the reversal of whatever progress that had been attained – massive rise in income inequality, with the top one per cent population holding more than four times the wealth held by the lowest 70 per cent. India’s high unemployment rate goes in tandem with the country’s least monthly minimum wage in South Asia at 4300.

As the authors argue, India also recorded the lowest female work participation rate in South Asia, the maximum fall impacting the most vulnerable sections covering Adivasi, Dalit and OBC sections besides other minorities. This process of gender de-equalisation has been further exacerbated by a rise in the gender wage gap at three per cent between 2011-12 and 2017-18. Three out of every four rural households could not afford a nutritious diet, combined with a decrease in demand and consumption expenditure. Subsequently, the proportion of persons below the poverty line rose for the first time in 42 years by five per cent.

As if on cue, the Finance Minister’s budget speech did not discuss specific interventions on generating employment and boosting consumption expenditure. The Union Budget 2021-22 was presented in the face of low consumption demand and high unemployment due to the pandemic and the subsequent lockdown. The negative impact of the pandemic resulted in the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) witnessing the sharpest decline since 1952. The pandemic has also made the situation worse at the revenue collection front which has a direct impact in terms of budget cuts on economic and social sector services.

Inequality

The chapter on Inequality (Inequality in the Minds of the Executive) points out, the wealth of the top 11 Indian billionaires increased by 7 lakh crores in just six months – enough to run the health ministry for 10 years. Clearly, COVID-19 was anything but ‘the great equalizer’ – as it has been touted as due to its ability to impact lives to a certain degree, transcending the divides of wealth, fame, prestige, age, or social privilege.

Our authors argue that efforts to reduce inequalities should have been guided by values of equity, justice and fraternity. The first step to move towards equality is to acknowledge that inequities exist. Instead, the government devoted the annual Economic Survey to argue why India should focus on growth and not addressing inequality. The Union Budget 2021-22 did not take any new measures to reintroduce wealth tax or introduce inheritance taxes and the government had introduced a ‘COVID-19 fiscal stimulus’ that claimed to account for 10 per cent of GDP. However, this was calculated to be actually close to being one per cent in terms of actual public spending. 

COVID-19 and the stringent lockdown that followed destroyed the economy and forced millions of India’s poor into poverty and hunger, while leaving the elites largely unscathed. Little wonder, billionaires cheered the stimulus package announced during the lockdown. Policy responses to COVID-19 only served to intensify existing class, caste and gender inequalities.

Marginalised pushed further to the margins

While still on the issue of inequality, the authors address that, seven per cent men who were employed prior to the lockdown lost work during the lockdown and remained unemployed even after the lockdown (i.e. they followed the no-recovery trajectory), the corresponding share for women was much higher at 37 per cent (Bad for Workers. Worse for Women Workers). This flies in the face of ‘Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas’ in a developing country that was ranked the world’s fifth largest economy in 2019 and attests more to the fact that it featured as the five worst performing country in terms of economic participation according to the World Economic Forum’s Global Gender Gap Report 2020.

Also, the allocation to most of the central sector schemes and projects for the welfare of Persons with Disabilities (PwDs) has either decreased, remained the same or received no allocation at all (Persons with Disabilities: Doubly Challenged). The guidelines for supporting PwDs during the pandemic issued by the government were initially inaccessible, and left several without support of ration and social security provisions. Further in implementation too, several loopholes kept relief measures out of reach for many in the community.

A chapter on bonded labour essays the lives of indentured workers in the brick kilns of Varanasi – Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Lok Sabha constituency (The Unending Trap of Servitude). “Women workers are deprived of all statutory benefits and amenities like maternity benefits, crèche, fixed working hours, etc. They face sexual abuse, violence and exploitation. They are too vulnerable to defend themselves. There are numerous instances of rape and even of women enslaved for sex.” 

Unfortunately, there is still a section of India’s population who are made to feel they belong to a bygone era of violent discrimination. One would like to imagine that, given the need for physical distancing and spread of the virus impacting so many, violence against the Dalit community would have reduced during a pandemic. This, however, was not the case as atrocities continued unabated against Dalits (Exacerbated Vulnerabilities of Dalits). There is an equally alarming facet of violence against Dalit Christians who are denied redress under the SC/ST Prevention of Atrocities Act (Religious Persecution immune to COVID-19). The authors call for an increased allocation of funds in the Union Budget under the welfare of Scheduled Caste (AWSC) for the effective implementation of the SC/ST Prevention of Atrocities Act.

COVID-19 also came as a double whammy for the tribal people. For instance, tribal women had to face an aggravated State machinery during the lockdown. Cases of rape of tribal women in rural areas, unnecessary intimidation, extortion etc. have been beyond records during the lockdown period. Simultaneously, tribal lands in Bastar and Surguja districts of Chhattisgarh were grabbed by industries and mining companies with the help of the State during the lockdown. The lockdown conditions were approached as an opportunity for those in authority to evict tribal people from their land (Confusion and Chaos in Tribal Areas).

The report also voices the need to prepare an official categorisation for people from De-Notified and Nomadic Tribal communities across the country as a first step to enable them access their entitlements. They are among the most voiceless of Indians. The Habitual Offenders’ Act, 1952 should be abolished towards de-criminalisation of DNTs and prevention of atrocities by police (COVID-19 exacerbates vulnerabilities of the marginalised).

From lynching to stigmatising Muslims for the spread of COVID-19, the year gone by has been a tough one for Indian Muslims. Authors recommend that the pending demand for enactment of a law against communal riots and persecution should be fulfilled as soon as possible which may now include lynching and spreading of fake news as heinous crimes (COVID-19 added to the burden of stigma).

Yet another section of people who need the government’s attention in these tough times are people living with HIV/AIDS – the lockdown meant that the services being provided to them came to a standstill. India needs to stay on course to achieve its commitments to reduce HIV/AIDS. It is appalling that NACO, the nodal agency for combating the menace of HIV/AIDS, has not published its annual report since 2016 (PLHIV left to fend for themselves).

A Diminishing Civic Space

Arbitrary arrests, excessive force, unfair trials and impunity of the perpetrators have scarred the rule of law in India while voices countering hate and discrimination have found themselves being hounded rather than protected by law enforcement agencies. (2020-21 saw the State Hound Civil Society). 

The amendments to the FCRA in September 2020 which crippled the civil society response to the second wave of the pandemic have also had a huge impact on the morale of civil society in India. Civil Society Organisations mobilised resources and supported government efforts to fight the pandemic by providing services to the affected. Ironically, however, the government restricted their activities and voices, further shrinking their civil space (Disempowered, Yet Committed to Serve).

The atmosphere of fear that has been created has led to unprecedented self-censorship. Unsurprisingly most of the critique and resistance to state policies at a broader societal level is now from the non-institutional spaces – students, youth, celebrities and social media influencers – rather than NGOs (Dissent Must be Curbed. Even Crushed). 

The most marginalised sections have had to bear the brunt of the heavy hand of the State on civil society organisations. As the chapter on Adivasi people notes, “The lockdown conditions came as an opportunity for those in authority to evict tribal people from their land. In Dang district of Gujarat, for instance, forest officials torched the huts of six tribal villagers accusing them of living there illegally. In East Sikkim, forest officials served a notice to 90 tribal families of Dzuluk to evict the area” (Confusion and Chaos in Tribal Areas).

Life was equally cruel for the Dalit communities during the lockdown. Data from a survey conducted during the past year revealed that many of the schemes announced during the pandemic last year were not being fully accessible by the Dalit communities. Many of the community members were unaware of the schemes and even if they were aware, they were not able to access these schemes (Exacerbated Vulnerabilities of Dalits). 

Even children were not spared of the cruelty of the lockdown that exposed the huge gaps that already existed in the child protection system in the country. ‘Childline India’, a government-led helpline, received over 92,000 SOS calls on child abuse and violence in just 11 days of the country's shutdown (Low public investments aggravate inequalities). 

Health, Environment, Education a casualty

Universal access to healthcare is a global health goal and also included in the SDGs, but in the case of India, it has faced budgetary neglect (Healthcare:A broken promise?). The review advocates for the government to enact a National Health Rights Act, enabling the right to healthcare and mandate health as a public good. This should be enforced with a budgetary commitment of at-least 2.5 per cent of Gross Domestic Product. 

A beginning could be made with upgrading existing health infrastructure to a minimum level as specified by the Indian Public Health Standards (IPHS) norms, requiring the strengthening of Health and Wellness Centres (HWCs) through creation of midlevel healthcare providers and upgrading primary health centres (PHCs) and strengthening of the sub-district hospitals (Community Health Centres) as per IPHS and upgrading the district hospitals to teaching hospitals. 

The chapter argues that there is a deficit of Governance and implementation, especially in view of the centralisation of all decision making in health going against the spirit of participatory governance. “Top-down decision making cannot work in a sector like health which is highly local-oriented. Decision-making and management has to be left to the local institutions and governments and not a top-down bureaucratic mechanism.” The authors say that the Constitutional provision of District Planning Committees under the 73rd and 74th Amendment need to be made effective for robust local governance.

Health and the environment are closely related and this is where this year’s Governance Review makes a mark: It argues that, contrary to the prevailing perception, the lockdown year 2020 was not a breather for climate and the environment. Indeed, 2020 was the hottest year on record, tied up with 2016 – as ice melted quicker; oceans accumulated heat faster; wildfires raged more dangerously; heatwaves became more severe; and carbon emissions hardly saw any thawing. According the WMO’s State of the Climate Report 2021 released on 19 April 2021, “there was a relentless intensification of climate crisis, increasing occurrence of extreme events, and severe loss and damage affecting people communities and economies.”

The chapter Industry Before Environment argues that India has witnessed bad environmental governance in recent years. The government, motivated to improve its record on the ‘ease of doing business’ index, is trying to change environmental and forest regulations. The authors argue, “in the race to (re)gain economic strength, environmental standards were relaxed, monitoring reduced, penalties for environmental violation waived and fossil fuel and other businesses having profound adverse impacts of environment and climate were rescued with huge bailouts.”

The sustainability question is as important as ever: What are we doing for the next generation and the generations to come? Education could be an answer, one might argue, but with COVID-19 not allowing our young citizens to attend school for an entire academic year (and more), there is much that the government could do. In the chapter, Still A Long Way to Go, authors argue that framers of the National Education Policy 2020 alienated themselves from the needs of children, particularly children from historically marginalized groups and communities. Children faced unequal access and outrageous inequalities.

That is bringing us back to where we began – citizens being heaped with the indignities of inequalities, as it were a policy of the State. This is what the intent came to resemble in 2020-2021 as COVID-19 exacerbated what was an already agonising pain.

 

Image Courtesy: Citizen's Report on Year Two of the NDA-II Government 2020-2021: Promises and Reality, Civil Society Initiative

Citizen's Report on Tear Two of the NDA-II Government 2020-2021: Promises and Reality, Civil Society Initiative, Coordinated by Wada Na Todo Abhiyan, released in July, 2021


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