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LATEST NEWS UPDATES | Farmers’ concern: Will lose land to corporates because of the new laws -Sukrita Baruah , Raakhi Jagga , Amil Bhatnagar and Harish Damodaran

Farmers’ concern: Will lose land to corporates because of the new laws -Sukrita Baruah , Raakhi Jagga , Amil Bhatnagar and Harish Damodaran

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published Published on Dec 13, 2020   modified Modified on Dec 13, 2020

-The Indian Express

With farmers rejecting the government’s offer and deciding to continue their protest against the farm laws, The Sunday Express meets some of the farmers camping at Delhi’s borders, and visits their families and farms back home, to find a shared concern — a sense of despair over falling crop prices.

Kurukshetra, Ludhiana, Moga, New Delhi, Patiala: Many countries experiencing rapid growth and rising prosperity, which may even be over a few decades, have at some point got stuck in a “middle-income trap”. Punjab’s farm economy can be said to have been suffering this fate for quite some time.

The seeds of the granary state’s postcard rural affluence story from the 1960s were literally sown by high-yielding varieties of wheat and paddy. Kalyan Sona and Sonalika released in the mid-Sixties, followed by HD-2285 and HD-2329 in the early Eighties, raised average wheat yields in Punjab from 1.2 tonnes to over 3.7 tonnes per hectare between 1960-61 and 1990-91. IR-8 (introduced in 1966) and PR-106 (1977), likewise, pushed up per-hectare yields in paddy from 1.5 tonnes to 4.8 tonnes.

The breeding efforts of the Indian Agricultural Research Institute and Punjab Agricultural University scientists were accompanied by investments in rural link roads, electrification, tube-well and canal irrigation, organised farm credit —and, of course, APMC (Agricultural Produce Market Committee) mandis. Metalled roads in 98% of Punjab’s 12,188 villages by 1980, APMC yards within bullock-cart distance and government procurement at minimum support prices (MSP) ensured that the increased production from the new semi-dwarf varieties, responsive to fertiliser and water application, also translated into higher incomes for farmers.

In the process, a new post-Green Revolution agrarian middle class — not “rich” or “kulak” farmers, as armchair experts would believe — emerged in Punjab. This was a middle class that was confident and very sure of its future in agriculture. And like all middle classes, it was aspirational and identified its interests with that of India (Bharat, in this case).

That rural middle class is now waging war on New Delhi — the same Establishment that once propelled its rise. Its fight isn’t about upward mobility — agriculture can no longer be a conduit for that — but defending past gains.

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The Indian Express, 13 December, 2020, https://indianexpress.com/article/india/farmers-protest-agri-laws-delhi-border-msp-apmc-7102527/?fbclid=IwAR3CUJ7zkwa4bdPSXtsGwlI3ozdRd2stRNL5VsOAVld9DaQ-vTbA0vlfBwo


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