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LATEST NEWS UPDATES | Forests and the development debate by Mukul Sanwal </title>
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<h1 class="cat-box-title">Forests and the development debate by Mukul Sanwal</h1>
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Published on</span><span class="text-date"> Mar 1, 2011</span>
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<div style="text-align: justify">The GoM to determine the norms for coalmine clearance in reserve forests, largely in tribal areas, and the parallel exercise to give back forest lands to tribals is not about the environment, but about forest policy. The divergence of interests between national use of forests, ecological balance and needs of local people should be recognised. However, the tribal affairs ministry is responsible for the Forest Rights Act and the coal ministry has sought almost mandatory forest clearance to coal blocks it allocates. This approach ignores the conflict of interest inherent in determining forest policy and seeks solutions to the symptoms rather than to the causes of the environmental problem.</div><div style="text-align: justify"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify">The lack of clarity in forest policy is recent. The first national forest policy, in 1894, stipulated that “the claims of agriculture are stronger than the claims of forest preservation” . The forest policy of 1952 ensured that the “country as a whole is not deprived of a national asset by the mere accident of a village being situated close to a forest” . The forest policy of 1988 declared environmental stability as the primary goal and also did away with the functional classification of village forests that secured local needs. The debate over how best to manage a common property resource was resolved by the colonial administration through remaining equally responsive to forests as a source of raw material for economic growth and as a source of livelihood for local people. For example, the Forest Settlement of 1917, which reserved large tracts of community forests in Kumaon following widespread protests , led to the Kumaon Forest Grievances Committee in 1922.</div><div style="text-align: justify"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify">It recommended reclassification of non-commercial forests and establishment of forest panchayats. Even at that time, the chief conservator of forests opposed the reclassification, stating that it would hamper conservation of forests. The subsequent government notification ordered that “from a purely forest point of view these remarks are no doubt justified; but the government is convinced that the people of Kumaon would have been satisfied with nothing less” . Working plans prepared by the forest department in 1956 testify that many panchayats were better managed than reserve forests. The government’s decision in 1976 to put half of the community forests under the control of the forest department provoked the Chipko Movement in what is now Uttarakhand.</div><div style="text-align: justify"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify">A committee of experts was appointed to study conservation of natural resources. The government later stopped felling above 1,000 metres and on slopes steeper than 30 degrees. We face a similar situation today with the director-general of forests opposing the handing back of community rights of forest resources to tribals, based on the recommendation of an expert committee that this would lead to degradation of forests. This assertion ignores historical evidence that the loss of community ownership breaks the link between the villager and the forest. The superintendent of the Doon noticed the changed attitudes as early as 1897: “Not altogether without reason the villagers believe any self-denial or trouble they may exercise in preserving and improving the village forests will end in appropriation of the forests by the department as soon as they become commercially viable.”</div><div style="text-align: justify"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify">The first issue for the GoM should be to reclassify reserve forests into community forests and vest their management in the hands of villagers. There should be unrestricted rights for bona fide domestic use and export of timber should not be permitted. Having secured local needs, the forest policy can then seek a balance between environment and development by stipulating how mining should be carried out so that environmental damage to forested areas is minimised. Just as there are standards for point sources of air and water pollution from industry, measurable norms needs to be developed for mining. This is the way it is in all countries, and that is the way it was done here in the past.</div><div style="text-align: justify"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify">Apolitical initiative is needed because the status report on implementation of the Forest Rights Act for the period ending December 2010 makes dismal reading . For example, in West Bengal , Chhattisgarh and Karnataka , out of 7,805, 4,042, 2,773 claims filed respectively for titles for community rights, only 89, 250 and one tile, respectively , have so far been distributed . If the forest policy is not redefined to reconcile the divergent objectives of the Forest Rights Act and the Forest Conservation Act, problems will arise in implementation. In the face of this inaction, the government is pushing through relocation of forestdwellers from critical wildlife habitats, extending over some 600 national parks, to carve out ‘rights free’ reserve forests, making an offer of . 10 lakh to vacate the land.</div><div style="text-align: justify"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify">Implementation of the forest policy in a manner that ignores local needs will only lead to more discontent and exacerbate the impact of the shift made in 1988 that has assumed an internal security threat and caused the ‘Maoist’ problem. The lack of clarity is leading to inconsistency in policy implementation . For example, in the Posco case, non-implementation of the Forest Rights Act was cited as the major reason for not according clearance. Later, the environment ministry cleared the project, stating that it would be satisfied with a certificate from the state government that the Act has been implemented, ignoring the key role of the gram sabha in the process. Environmental clearance must be transparent and rulebased . The best way forward would be to define sustainability in terms of sustainable human well-being , hand back the forests to tribals to ensure local needs, ban export of timber to secure and develop rules for ecologically balanced mining in these areas. </div>
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<br><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/opinion/comments-analysis/forests-and-the-development-debate/articleshow/7591613.cms" class="re" target="_blank">The Economic Times, 28 February, 2011, http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/opinion/comments-analysis/forests-and-the-development-debate/articleshow/7591613.cms</a><div class="clear"></div>
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<h1 class="cat-box-title">Forests and the development debate by Mukul Sanwal</h1>
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Published on</span><span class="text-date"> Mar 1, 2011</span>
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<div style="text-align: justify">The GoM to determine the norms for coalmine clearance in reserve forests, largely in tribal areas, and the parallel exercise to give back forest lands to tribals is not about the environment, but about forest policy. The divergence of interests between national use of forests, ecological balance and needs of local people should be recognised. However, the tribal affairs ministry is responsible for the Forest Rights Act and the coal ministry has sought almost mandatory forest clearance to coal blocks it allocates. This approach ignores the conflict of interest inherent in determining forest policy and seeks solutions to the symptoms rather than to the causes of the environmental problem.</div><div style="text-align: justify"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify">The lack of clarity in forest policy is recent. The first national forest policy, in 1894, stipulated that “the claims of agriculture are stronger than the claims of forest preservation” . The forest policy of 1952 ensured that the “country as a whole is not deprived of a national asset by the mere accident of a village being situated close to a forest” . The forest policy of 1988 declared environmental stability as the primary goal and also did away with the functional classification of village forests that secured local needs. The debate over how best to manage a common property resource was resolved by the colonial administration through remaining equally responsive to forests as a source of raw material for economic growth and as a source of livelihood for local people. For example, the Forest Settlement of 1917, which reserved large tracts of community forests in Kumaon following widespread protests , led to the Kumaon Forest Grievances Committee in 1922.</div><div style="text-align: justify"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify">It recommended reclassification of non-commercial forests and establishment of forest panchayats. Even at that time, the chief conservator of forests opposed the reclassification, stating that it would hamper conservation of forests. The subsequent government notification ordered that “from a purely forest point of view these remarks are no doubt justified; but the government is convinced that the people of Kumaon would have been satisfied with nothing less” . Working plans prepared by the forest department in 1956 testify that many panchayats were better managed than reserve forests. The government’s decision in 1976 to put half of the community forests under the control of the forest department provoked the Chipko Movement in what is now Uttarakhand.</div><div style="text-align: justify"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify">A committee of experts was appointed to study conservation of natural resources. The government later stopped felling above 1,000 metres and on slopes steeper than 30 degrees. We face a similar situation today with the director-general of forests opposing the handing back of community rights of forest resources to tribals, based on the recommendation of an expert committee that this would lead to degradation of forests. This assertion ignores historical evidence that the loss of community ownership breaks the link between the villager and the forest. The superintendent of the Doon noticed the changed attitudes as early as 1897: “Not altogether without reason the villagers believe any self-denial or trouble they may exercise in preserving and improving the village forests will end in appropriation of the forests by the department as soon as they become commercially viable.”</div><div style="text-align: justify"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify">The first issue for the GoM should be to reclassify reserve forests into community forests and vest their management in the hands of villagers. There should be unrestricted rights for bona fide domestic use and export of timber should not be permitted. Having secured local needs, the forest policy can then seek a balance between environment and development by stipulating how mining should be carried out so that environmental damage to forested areas is minimised. Just as there are standards for point sources of air and water pollution from industry, measurable norms needs to be developed for mining. This is the way it is in all countries, and that is the way it was done here in the past.</div><div style="text-align: justify"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify">Apolitical initiative is needed because the status report on implementation of the Forest Rights Act for the period ending December 2010 makes dismal reading . For example, in West Bengal , Chhattisgarh and Karnataka , out of 7,805, 4,042, 2,773 claims filed respectively for titles for community rights, only 89, 250 and one tile, respectively , have so far been distributed . If the forest policy is not redefined to reconcile the divergent objectives of the Forest Rights Act and the Forest Conservation Act, problems will arise in implementation. In the face of this inaction, the government is pushing through relocation of forestdwellers from critical wildlife habitats, extending over some 600 national parks, to carve out ‘rights free’ reserve forests, making an offer of . 10 lakh to vacate the land.</div><div style="text-align: justify"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify">Implementation of the forest policy in a manner that ignores local needs will only lead to more discontent and exacerbate the impact of the shift made in 1988 that has assumed an internal security threat and caused the ‘Maoist’ problem. The lack of clarity is leading to inconsistency in policy implementation . For example, in the Posco case, non-implementation of the Forest Rights Act was cited as the major reason for not according clearance. Later, the environment ministry cleared the project, stating that it would be satisfied with a certificate from the state government that the Act has been implemented, ignoring the key role of the gram sabha in the process. Environmental clearance must be transparent and rulebased . The best way forward would be to define sustainability in terms of sustainable human well-being , hand back the forests to tribals to ensure local needs, ban export of timber to secure and develop rules for ecologically balanced mining in these areas. </div>
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<br><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/opinion/comments-analysis/forests-and-the-development-debate/articleshow/7591613.cms" class="re" target="_blank">The Economic Times, 28 February, 2011, http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/opinion/comments-analysis/forests-and-the-development-debate/articleshow/7591613.cms</a><div class="clear"></div>
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<h1 class="cat-box-title">Forests and the development debate by Mukul Sanwal</h1>
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Published on</span><span class="text-date"> Mar 1, 2011</span>
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<div style="text-align: justify">The GoM to determine the norms for coalmine clearance in reserve forests, largely in tribal areas, and the parallel exercise to give back forest lands to tribals is not about the environment, but about forest policy. The divergence of interests between national use of forests, ecological balance and needs of local people should be recognised. However, the tribal affairs ministry is responsible for the Forest Rights Act and the coal ministry has sought almost mandatory forest clearance to coal blocks it allocates. This approach ignores the conflict of interest inherent in determining forest policy and seeks solutions to the symptoms rather than to the causes of the environmental problem.</div><div style="text-align: justify"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify">The lack of clarity in forest policy is recent. The first national forest policy, in 1894, stipulated that “the claims of agriculture are stronger than the claims of forest preservation” . The forest policy of 1952 ensured that the “country as a whole is not deprived of a national asset by the mere accident of a village being situated close to a forest” . The forest policy of 1988 declared environmental stability as the primary goal and also did away with the functional classification of village forests that secured local needs. The debate over how best to manage a common property resource was resolved by the colonial administration through remaining equally responsive to forests as a source of raw material for economic growth and as a source of livelihood for local people. For example, the Forest Settlement of 1917, which reserved large tracts of community forests in Kumaon following widespread protests , led to the Kumaon Forest Grievances Committee in 1922.</div><div style="text-align: justify"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify">It recommended reclassification of non-commercial forests and establishment of forest panchayats. Even at that time, the chief conservator of forests opposed the reclassification, stating that it would hamper conservation of forests. The subsequent government notification ordered that “from a purely forest point of view these remarks are no doubt justified; but the government is convinced that the people of Kumaon would have been satisfied with nothing less” . Working plans prepared by the forest department in 1956 testify that many panchayats were better managed than reserve forests. The government’s decision in 1976 to put half of the community forests under the control of the forest department provoked the Chipko Movement in what is now Uttarakhand.</div><div style="text-align: justify"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify">A committee of experts was appointed to study conservation of natural resources. The government later stopped felling above 1,000 metres and on slopes steeper than 30 degrees. We face a similar situation today with the director-general of forests opposing the handing back of community rights of forest resources to tribals, based on the recommendation of an expert committee that this would lead to degradation of forests. This assertion ignores historical evidence that the loss of community ownership breaks the link between the villager and the forest. The superintendent of the Doon noticed the changed attitudes as early as 1897: “Not altogether without reason the villagers believe any self-denial or trouble they may exercise in preserving and improving the village forests will end in appropriation of the forests by the department as soon as they become commercially viable.”</div><div style="text-align: justify"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify">The first issue for the GoM should be to reclassify reserve forests into community forests and vest their management in the hands of villagers. There should be unrestricted rights for bona fide domestic use and export of timber should not be permitted. Having secured local needs, the forest policy can then seek a balance between environment and development by stipulating how mining should be carried out so that environmental damage to forested areas is minimised. Just as there are standards for point sources of air and water pollution from industry, measurable norms needs to be developed for mining. This is the way it is in all countries, and that is the way it was done here in the past.</div><div style="text-align: justify"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify">Apolitical initiative is needed because the status report on implementation of the Forest Rights Act for the period ending December 2010 makes dismal reading . For example, in West Bengal , Chhattisgarh and Karnataka , out of 7,805, 4,042, 2,773 claims filed respectively for titles for community rights, only 89, 250 and one tile, respectively , have so far been distributed . If the forest policy is not redefined to reconcile the divergent objectives of the Forest Rights Act and the Forest Conservation Act, problems will arise in implementation. In the face of this inaction, the government is pushing through relocation of forestdwellers from critical wildlife habitats, extending over some 600 national parks, to carve out ‘rights free’ reserve forests, making an offer of . 10 lakh to vacate the land.</div><div style="text-align: justify"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify">Implementation of the forest policy in a manner that ignores local needs will only lead to more discontent and exacerbate the impact of the shift made in 1988 that has assumed an internal security threat and caused the ‘Maoist’ problem. The lack of clarity is leading to inconsistency in policy implementation . For example, in the Posco case, non-implementation of the Forest Rights Act was cited as the major reason for not according clearance. Later, the environment ministry cleared the project, stating that it would be satisfied with a certificate from the state government that the Act has been implemented, ignoring the key role of the gram sabha in the process. Environmental clearance must be transparent and rulebased . The best way forward would be to define sustainability in terms of sustainable human well-being , hand back the forests to tribals to ensure local needs, ban export of timber to secure and develop rules for ecologically balanced mining in these areas. </div>
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<br><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/opinion/comments-analysis/forests-and-the-development-debate/articleshow/7591613.cms" class="re" target="_blank">The Economic Times, 28 February, 2011, http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/opinion/comments-analysis/forests-and-the-development-debate/articleshow/7591613.cms</a><div class="clear"></div>
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LATEST NEWS UPDATES | Forests and the development debate by Mukul Sanwal
Forests and the development debate by Mukul Sanwal
Published on Mar 1, 2011
Modified on Mar 1, 2011
The GoM to determine the norms for coalmine clearance in reserve forests, largely in tribal areas, and the parallel exercise to give back forest lands to tribals is not about the environment, but about forest policy. The divergence of interests between national use of forests, ecological balance and needs of local people should be recognised. However, the tribal affairs ministry is responsible for the Forest Rights Act and the coal ministry has sought almost mandatory forest clearance to coal blocks it allocates. This approach ignores the conflict of interest inherent in determining forest policy and seeks solutions to the symptoms rather than to the causes of the environmental problem.
The lack of clarity in forest policy is recent. The first national forest policy, in 1894, stipulated that “the claims of agriculture are stronger than the claims of forest preservation” . The forest policy of 1952 ensured that the “country as a whole is not deprived of a national asset by the mere accident of a village being situated close to a forest” . The forest policy of 1988 declared environmental stability as the primary goal and also did away with the functional classification of village forests that secured local needs. The debate over how best to manage a common property resource was resolved by the colonial administration through remaining equally responsive to forests as a source of raw material for economic growth and as a source of livelihood for local people. For example, the Forest Settlement of 1917, which reserved large tracts of community forests in Kumaon following widespread protests , led to the Kumaon Forest Grievances Committee in 1922.
It recommended reclassification of non-commercial forests and establishment of forest panchayats. Even at that time, the chief conservator of forests opposed the reclassification, stating that it would hamper conservation of forests. The subsequent government notification ordered that “from a purely forest point of view these remarks are no doubt justified; but the government is convinced that the people of Kumaon would have been satisfied with nothing less” . Working plans prepared by the forest department in 1956 testify that many panchayats were better managed than reserve forests. The government’s decision in 1976 to put half of the community forests under the control of the forest department provoked the Chipko Movement in what is now Uttarakhand.
A committee of experts was appointed to study conservation of natural resources. The government later stopped felling above 1,000 metres and on slopes steeper than 30 degrees. We face a similar situation today with the director-general of forests opposing the handing back of community rights of forest resources to tribals, based on the recommendation of an expert committee that this would lead to degradation of forests. This assertion ignores historical evidence that the loss of community ownership breaks the link between the villager and the forest. The superintendent of the Doon noticed the changed attitudes as early as 1897: “Not altogether without reason the villagers believe any self-denial or trouble they may exercise in preserving and improving the village forests will end in appropriation of the forests by the department as soon as they become commercially viable.”
The first issue for the GoM should be to reclassify reserve forests into community forests and vest their management in the hands of villagers. There should be unrestricted rights for bona fide domestic use and export of timber should not be permitted. Having secured local needs, the forest policy can then seek a balance between environment and development by stipulating how mining should be carried out so that environmental damage to forested areas is minimised. Just as there are standards for point sources of air and water pollution from industry, measurable norms needs to be developed for mining. This is the way it is in all countries, and that is the way it was done here in the past.
Apolitical initiative is needed because the status report on implementation of the Forest Rights Act for the period ending December 2010 makes dismal reading . For example, in West Bengal , Chhattisgarh and Karnataka , out of 7,805, 4,042, 2,773 claims filed respectively for titles for community rights, only 89, 250 and one tile, respectively , have so far been distributed . If the forest policy is not redefined to reconcile the divergent objectives of the Forest Rights Act and the Forest Conservation Act, problems will arise in implementation. In the face of this inaction, the government is pushing through relocation of forestdwellers from critical wildlife habitats, extending over some 600 national parks, to carve out ‘rights free’ reserve forests, making an offer of . 10 lakh to vacate the land.
Implementation of the forest policy in a manner that ignores local needs will only lead to more discontent and exacerbate the impact of the shift made in 1988 that has assumed an internal security threat and caused the ‘Maoist’ problem. The lack of clarity is leading to inconsistency in policy implementation . For example, in the Posco case, non-implementation of the Forest Rights Act was cited as the major reason for not according clearance. Later, the environment ministry cleared the project, stating that it would be satisfied with a certificate from the state government that the Act has been implemented, ignoring the key role of the gram sabha in the process. Environmental clearance must be transparent and rulebased . The best way forward would be to define sustainability in terms of sustainable human well-being , hand back the forests to tribals to ensure local needs, ban export of timber to secure and develop rules for ecologically balanced mining in these areas.
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